Zardari’s outburst followed by dash to Dubai

Asif & Faryal leave for Dubai (Credit: siasat.pk)
Asif & Faryal leave for Dubai
(Credit: siasat.pk)

KARACHI, June 26 – Former president and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Co-Chairman Asif Ali Zardari left for Dubai on Wednesday, party sources said.

However, they said they were not aware of reasons for his sudden flight and the number of days he planned to stay in the United Arab Emirates. Zardari flew to Dubai in the evening from Karachi.

“Bilawal Bhutto Zardari did not accompany him and media reports in this regard are not true. He is here till late Wednesday though his future plan about international travel is not known.” Zardari’s departure came a day after his elder sister and key leader of the party Faryal Talpur made the same move on Tuesday.

Karachi Heat Wave Death Toll Tops 650, Officials Say

Karachi heat wave kills hundreds (Credit: ibtimes.co.uk)
Karachi heat wave kills hundreds
(Credit: ibtimes.co.uk)

KARACHI, June 23— Karachi’s poor have long learned to cope with the many adversities that afflict Pakistan’s most crowded and chaotic city, including flooding, street violence and political crises. But since a suffocating heat wave descended on Karachi three days ago, killing at least 650 people, they have found no respite and no escape.

“It’s so hot,” said a security guard, Shamim ur-Rehman, 34, as he sat on a cot, beleaguered. “There is no fan, there is nothing. I can’t sleep at night or during the day.”

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif declared an emergency on Tuesday as the death toll from the heat wave soared, with overwhelmed hospitals struggling to treat a surge of casualties and morgues filling to capacity. The army set up emergency treatment centers in the streets and the provincial government closed schools and city offices.

The Edhi foundation, which runs an ambulance service and Karachi’s largest morgue, said it had collected over 600 bodies in recent days.

“The first to die were the people on the streets — heroin addicts, beggars, the homeless,” said Anwar Kazmi, a spokesman for the service. “Then it was the elderly, particularly those who didn’t have anyone to take care of them.”

In many ways, the emergency is the product of a perfect storm of meteorological, political and religious factors in Karachi.

Chronic shortages of water and electricity have exacerbated the impact of the heat wave, which has brought temperatures up to 45 Celsius, or 113 degrees Fahrenheit, in a crowded city of 20 million people that is normally ventilated by a seabreeze.

The health dangers are further exacerbated by the demands of the annual Ramadan fast, when most Muslims abstain from eating or drinking water during daylight hours.

In Karachi, that means about 15 hours with no source of hydration — a factor that has particularly affected manual laborers and street vendors, who work outside under the sun.

Dr. Seemin Jamali, head of the Jinnah hospital’s emergency wing, said 272 people had died there from heat-related conditions, including dehydration. The smaller Abbasi Shaheed Hospital said 56 bodies had been brought in since Monday night.

Officials said the majority of the victims were men over the age of 50, especially day laborers from lower-income groups.

Although Karachi residents are used to dealing with other emergencies — stockpiling groceries, for example, during bouts of street violence — they seemed at a loss for how to manage the extended heat wave.

The electricity shortages are the product of decades-long mismanagement of Pakistan’s national grid, and are often worse at dusk when many people are cooking in preparation for the end of the fast.

Not only do the power cuts make air-conditioning units and ceiling fans useless, they also reduce the water supply by shutting down pumps. Ice is in short supply and being sold for a premium in many neighborhoods.

As the death toll rose over the weekend, many residents opted to stay indoors or congregate at centrally air-conditioned malls. But that wasn’t a choice for manual laborers, who make as little as $10 a day and try to keep themselves cool as they work by wrapping wet towels around their heads to stave off the sun.

Political anger over the crisis focused on the government of Mr. Sharif, who had pledged to reduce the energy crisis when he came to power two years ago.

Syed Qaim Ali Shah, the chief minister of Sindh Province, which includes Karachi, blamed Mr. Sharif for failing to get better results from K-electric, the private company that runs the city’s electricity supply.

Addressing Parliament in the capital, Islamabad, Mr. Sharif’s officials dismissed the criticism, instead blaming Mr. Shah’s administration for failing to manage its affairs. Khawaja Asif, the national minister for water and power, said he had no direct control over K-electric.

On the streets, people blamed politicians of all stripes. Over the past year, Mr. Sharif’s government has frequently appeared impotent during moments of crisis. By contrast, the powerful military, led by Gen. Raheel Sharif, has become an increasingly assertive force in public life.

Amid the political finger pointing, some media commentators called on politicians to voluntarily cut off their own electricity and experience the hardship endured by ordinary people. Some journalists fell victim to the heat, too, like a cameraman iwho fainted during an official news conference in Karachi on Tuesday afternoon.

Most residents, meanwhile, concentrated on escaping the suffocating heat. Television coverage showed residents fleeing their flats and houses to seek shelter in the open streets.

“We try and sit in the shade,” said Mohammad Yusuf, 32, a laborer who works on a moving crew with a pickup truck. “We went all the way near the port today and sat under a tree for three hours.”

At the Jinnah hospital, Dr. Jamali said her staff had treated over 5,000 patients between Saturday and Monday. The heat, not the fasting, was the principal factor in the deaths, she said.

Although many continued to fast, others quietly admitted that they were unable to cope with the demands of their faith. Subah Sadiq, a fruit vendor and father of seven, said it was impossible to stand in the street all day without drinking anything.

“This is the only way to survive,” he said.

Even for those not fasting, staying hydrated is a challenge: under Pakistani law, eating and drinking in public places are illegal during Ramadan, although some clerics said their followers could break the fast if their health was in danger.

Mr. Rehman, the building watchman, was refusing to give up.

“As long as I have some life in me, and strong intentions, I will fast,” he said.

One small glimmer of good news came from the weather service. Although hot weather is due to continue through this week, officials said, a small amount of rainfall was predicted for Karachi and surrounding cities for late Tuesday night.

Zardari surprises with outburst against establishment

Zardari speech against army (Credit: newsmedialive.com)
Zardari speech against army
(Credit: newsmedialive.com)

In a surprising outburst ostensibly against the powerful security establishment, Pakistan Peoples Party Co-Chairman Asif Ali Zardari said on Tuesday that politicians were better suited to running the affairs of the country. “You are here for only three years,” he said in an apparent jab at the army chief.

Addressing an oath-taking ceremony for PPP office-bearers from Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, Zardari said, “I know the art of war better than anyone else.”

Organised by former MNA and PPP Fata President Akhunzada Chattan, the event was attended by PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari and other prominent leaders of the former ruling party.

The PPP co-chairman expressed annoyance at the purported character-assassination campaign against him and his party. “It needs to stop! There is a limit to everything.”

Warning the establishment, which he accused of tarnishing PPP’s and his image, Zardari said, “Anyone who tries to disturb us will get a befitting response. Be wary! If this doesn’t stop now, I shall come out with a list of generals who have been accused starting from the time Pakistan came into being. And then you’ll spend the rest of your lives providing explanations.”

In an apparent reference to the power he is supposed to wield, the former president said he could bring the whole country to a standstill on a single call. “If I give one call, the whole country from Karachi to Khyber will come to a grinding halt. The lockdown will continue until I call it off.”

Zardari said he wanted to support the Pakistan Army since it was “being challenged by the neighbouring India on the borders while terrorist organisations and India’s primary foreign intelligence agency, the Research & Analysis Wing, were creating chaos within Pakistan”.

In the same vein, Zardari said he was aware who pulled the strings of banned outfits and mullahs, alluding to their alleged collusion with the establishment.

Lashing out at his political rivals, the PPP co-chairman said had he supported Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf when it arrived in Islamabad with a sit-in to topple the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) government, Imran would have succeeded.

“Being a supporter of democracy, I wanted the PML-N government to complete its tenure,” he said. “It would make me happy if the incumbent administration could improve the economy.”

The ruling party will have no excuse that they were not given enough time, said Zardari. “I am not in a hurry. I can wait for the sake of democracy.”

He also lashed out at former president Pervez Musharraf, who has been in Karachi for the past several months and has been politicking from the platform of his party, the All Pakistan Muslim League. “I spent years in jail… but the commando could not spend three months in prison.”

Zardari’s speech comes days after Rangers Sindh chief Maj-Gen Bilal Akbar blamed a nexus of political leaders, civil servants and gang lords of fostering and harbouring organised crime and terrorism in Karachi, as well as amid reports that the authorities were mulling over extending the scope of the ongoing operation in Sindh, the province that the PPP has been governing since 2008.

PPP leaders have been making angry speeches in parliament after the Rangers chief’s statements, but political pundits are attaching much importance to the timing of Zardari’s speech, since the former president had been in a conciliatory mode on a number of issues after his party lost the 2013 general elections after completing their five-year tenure.

Public officials in Sindh are Nabbed in Corruption Cases

HYDERABAD/SUKKUR, June 18: The National Accountability Bureau (Nab) spent a busy day on Thursday when they arrested at least four public officials on charges of corruption.

The Nab Karachi circle raided the office and residence of a former town municipal officer (TMO) in Sehwan, Jamshoro, early on Thursday, and arrested three TMOs on corruption charges. The team, led by assistant director Aslam Pervez Abro, arrived at the office on Wednesday afternoon but they stayed till past midnight as they looked through records.

The TMOs were taken into the custody along with the official record at around 4am. The NAB sources said they delayed the arrest because the Jamshoro police deployed their men outside the TMO’s office to prevent their arrest. Over 100 workers of the TMO and their supporters also gathered outside the office apparently to deter the NAB team from detaining them.

The men who were arrested include former Sehwan TMO Rehmatullah Memon, who is currently posted in Matiari district, town officer finance Zahoor Ahmed Shahani and engineer Idrees Memon. The team also raided the residence of incumbent TMO Asghar Bhund but he had already escaped from his residence.

“The arrested accused persons and others are involved in corruption worth Rs120 million, which they committed through withdrawal of illegal cheques and issued huge amounts to fake contractors and parties,” said a NAB press statement issued on Thursday.

According to a NAB official, they called Memon from Matiari to ask some questions but when he could not justify the expenditures on various schemes during his tenure, they arrested him for further investigations.

The police allowed the NAB team to take the officers after recording a ‘musheer nama’ about their detention at Sehwan police station. The officers are charged with falsifying accounts, making fake purchases and releasing salaries to ghost employees, besides embezzlement in the budget.

Separately, a NAB team also raided TMO Bathoro in Sujawal district on Thursday and seized records. They also arrested TMO Wasif Malik. Another former TMO of Sujawal, Mumtaz Ali Zardari, was also arrested from Karachi. Zardari was posted as TMO Sujawal between June and July last year. “The arrested accused was allegedly involved in corruption worth Rs100 million, which he committed through withdrawal of illegal cheques and issued huge amounts to fake contractors and parties,” said the NAB statement.

Excise and taxation secretary arrested

Earlier on June 4 this year, NAB had also arrested excise and taxation secretary Badar Jamil Mandhro on charges of selling gold worth Rs100 million to a jeweller in Karachi.

When Mandhro was the minority affairs secretary, he sold gold worth Rs100 million to a jeweller in Karachi in 2013, a NAB official told The Express Tribune. He was also accused of illegally handing out jobs in exchange for bribes. Sources said that the secretary was arrested from his office, after he had failed to show up before the NAB officer despite being issued a notice. After the initial investigation, Mandhro was produced before the court, which granted him a 15-day remand.

On May 8, NAB deputy director for the financial crimes investigation wing issued a notice to Faheemuddin, the owner of Islamia Jewellers in Karachi, directing him to appear before him on May 14, along with the original purchase register, purchase bills, details regarding the mode of payment and relevant records. This notice, according to the NAB official, was issued to the jeweller regarding the purchase of gold worth Rs100 million from Badar Jamil Mandhro in 2013.

The officer previously worked as a secretary under the women development ministry, was appointed the minority affairs secretary and is presently serving as the excise and taxation department secretary. A highly placed officer in the Sindh government told The Express Tribune that Mandhro’s arrest means that NAB has sufficient evidence against him.

Published in The Express Tribune, June 19th, 2015. 

Suspects detained in London murder of Pak politician Imran Farooq

Mohsin Ali & Kashif Khan (Credit: siasat.pk)
Mohsin Ali & Kashif Khan
(Credit: siasat.pk)

Two key suspects in the 2010 murder of a Pakistani politician in London have been arrested, it has emerged.

Dr Imran Farooq was stabbed to death outside his home in Edgware almost five years ago in what detective believe may have been a politically motivated killing.

Scotland Yard named Moshin Ali Syed, 29, and Muhammad Kashif Khan Kamran, 34, as suspects after records showed they left the UK on the night of the murder.

Moshin Ali was detained on Thursday as he tried to enter Pakistan from Afghanistan, local frontier police said.

He was held with another man, Khalid Shamim, but sources revealed that Kashif Khan was also already in the custody of the Pakistan security services.

The men are due to appear in court and are likely to face moves to extradite them to the UK.

Dr Farooq was a founding member of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), the biggest political force in Karachi, and was killed close to its London headquarters.

Detectives have been investigating whether the murder was linked to his plans to break away from the MQM leadership and launch a new, independent political career.

Khalid Wasey, a spokesman for the Frontier Constabulary in Pakistan, said the two men arrested on Thursday are expected to be handed over to the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA).

He said both belonged to the “the political party of the Karachi”.

An Interior Ministry source said: “It is believed that Moshin |Ali was involved in the high profile murder of the Dr. Imran Farooq in the London.

“An important breakthrough is expected in the Imran Farooq murder case.”

MQM law maker Farooq Sattar denied any MQM link with the two arrested men, adding: “Islamabad must stop targeting a major political party of Karachi.”

Silencing civil society

Demonstration against silencing Sabeen Mahmud (Credit: opencanada.org)
Demonstration against silencing
Sabeen Mahmud
(Credit: opencanada.org)
Drastic measures followed the tragedy of Army Public School Peshawar. The incident was one of the series of macabre events of our recent history. The scale of barbarity was outrageous and shocking beyond imagination. Yet the equanimity of a society is best judged at such testing times.

Half a year past while the wound still bleeds, it would be pertinent to take a stock of the much touted actions and the promised results. Tragedies are not meant to mourn only; learning lessons and realigning strategies should be the prime outcome. National Plan of Action was the key outcome of the brainstorming by mavericks of the country. The plan enumerated a list of stringent actions to fight extremism.

Citizens were expecting to witness a fundamental shift from the past practices that caused terrorism. Epicentres of extremism and violence are abundantly known to the guardians of peace. Dismantling the citadels of extremism was expected to be an imminent action. However, half year down the road things have been further obfuscated. Proscribed outfits still operate with a reasonable degree of impunity and safe havens of hate stuff are fully intact. It is not just the matter of capacity; it is more because of confused policies that allow the haze to prevail.

Soon after the action plan was launched with great fanfare, soft and relatively innocuous targets such as non-governmental organisations and civil society were targeted. A vilification campaign is on full throttle to prove that civil society organisations comprise foreign agents and their personnel are quislings who are busy round-the-clock in hatching conspiracies against the country. All funded non-governmental organisations are tarred with the same brush rather than isolating exceptions with solid evidences.

Holding civil society accountable and seeking transparency of its business is a legitimate right of the state but one wonders why the similar gusto is not demonstrated in case of those elements who flaunt gruesome fratricide of peaceful compatriots.
Rights-based organisations are demonised because they strive for fundamental rights of citizens, fortification of democracy, emancipation of women and rule of law.
Like every sector, there might be some scoundrel elements within the ranks of non-governmental organisations, yet it would be unfair to bracket all of them as anti-state and stooges of the West. Sifting venal elements require a meticulous screening system and not slander campaigns and a witch-hunt spree. Ironically, the informants’ web becomes hyper efficient when they have to keep a tab on politicians, civil society workers and human rights activists. Human radars become enviably efficient when it comes to document life and activities of peaceful civil society activists. Offices of registered and professionally reporting non-governmental organisations are stalked assiduously. However, stockpiles of lethal weapons in the middle of cities remain unnoticed and the mass-murderers often go unscathed. The state has enough muscle to control law-abiding entities but conspicuously absent while handling law-squashing outfits.

Rights-based organisations and individuals are particularly demonised because they strive for fundamental rights of citizens, fortification of democracy, emancipation of women, rule of law, protection of minorities and combating extremism in all its forms. Since these organisations mobilise people to demand their constitutional rights and hold all institutions accountable through peaceful democratic means, they invite ire of hegemonic and parasitic elements that are deeply embedded in various power centres.

A similar contemporary example is despotic regime of Russia, where a craven parliament capitulated before President Viladimir Putin’s desire to pass a law on “undesirable organisations”. A revered charity of Russia “Dynasty Foundation” has recently been proscribed. The foundation runs research and education projects and had been labeled as “foreign agent”, a metonymy of “enemy of state” in the contemporary Russian parlance.

The term “foreign agent” has recently been coined in Russia to depict any foreign funded organisation engaged in any political activity. Pulverising every sign of dissent is a relic of cold war, which is jealously guarded by Putin for expediency of his power. In a marked resemblance, groups and individuals striving for civil liberties and human rights are stigmatised as western agents in Pakistan. The government machinery avidly sift their accounts and documents but cringes to choke financial conduits of militant groups.

Since civil society has been maligned out-of-proportion, its valuable contribution for citizens has been eclipsed. Apart from its struggle for democracy and rule of law, some of the civil society organisations have produced valuable research in various sectors that works as a compass for the policy architects.

In a country where research produced by formal institutions is often disconnected from public life arena, some of the non-governmental organisations have produced remarkable research work that underlines the complexity and gravity of development deficit. With a yawning deficit of service delivery specially among the marginalised groups and communities living in inaccessible areas, the non-governmental organisations have been shouldering the burden of government agencies.

The prevailing magnitude of human development deficit dwarfs the capacity and resources of public sector and it essentially requires collaborative initiatives with social sector outfits. The country is set to miss critical targets of MDGs and the country is consistently ranked poorly on human development index.

Civil society has enormous potential to assist the government in bridging the social sector gap. Pakistani civil society’s outstanding contribution during the recent natural disasters e.g. earthquake of 2005 and tormenting floods of 2010 and 2011 have been widely appreciated. The role of non-governmental organisations in assuaging miseries of millions of disaster-affectees has been acknowledged by the government and international community.

The Pakistani civil society has been acting as a bulwark against proliferation of extremism. Gallant human rights defenders and civil society activists have laid down their lives while confronting obscurantist elements in the society. In fact the war against terrorism cannot be won without a strategic engagement of civil society. Extremists might have bastions in mountains but extremism has infused every vein of the society that cannot be eradicated only through military measures.

Those in power might despise civil society organisations for their views and opinions but certainly no one can blame civil society groups for involvement in any act of terrorism. On the contrary the civil society remained on the forefront during the struggle for salvaging democracy and restoring rule of law when the country was enveloped by the dark clouds of predatory dictatorships.

The civil society of Pakistan has made remarkable contribution towards civil liberties and a fledgling democracy. Pakistan’s legal framework is amply robust to ensure transparency of civil society affairs. Under the established legal framework no civil society organisation can operate without proper registration and compliance to legal code of the country.

The eligibility to seek foreign funding for development objectives requires civil society organisations to pass through a number of fine sieves. No local or foreign funding can flow into any national civil society account without fulfillment of procedural requirements. There is no dichotomy of opinions that the country is passing through a nerve-breaking turmoil where a deeper scrutiny of matters is need of the hour.
Civil society is fully cognizant of these realities and would endorse every genuine initiative through a consultative process. The current regime of regulation of civil society organisations is not too porous and can serve the purpose through little more vigilant and efficient institutional performance. In fact it does not require any new set of strangulating rules unless intimidation of civil society is the underlying objective. If any loopholes still exist or further fortification of the systems is desirable, a dialogue can be initiated to amicably improvise the rules of business rather than resorting to arm-twisting approach.

The new law under contemplation is aimed more at repression than regulation of national civil society. Steps to stifle civil society will do nothing but a sheer disservice to a juvenile civil society and a fragile democracy in the country.

By attempting to muzzle civil society, an elected regime would be shooting in its own feet. Civil society is a logical extension of any democratic dispensation and no democracy can survive and thrive in absence of a dynamic and vibrant civil society.

Pakistan’s democratic future is contingent upon potency and vibrancy of its civil society. In the contemporary world, civil society is considered a critical pillar of the state. Debilitating civil society would not only plunge society into an autocratic order but would also further besmirch Pakistan’s image in the international community.

Save the Children allowed to resume operations in Pakistan

SCF shut down order (Credit: agencieslive.com)
SCF shut down order
(Credit: agencieslive.com)

ISLAMABAD, June 14: Days after authorities in the federal capital sealed the offices of international non-governmental organisation Save the Children, the interior ministry has allowed the INGO to resume operations in Pakistan.

Save the Children has previously been accused of involvement with the Central Intelligence Agency and Dr Shakeel Afridi in tracking down the whereabouts of Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad.

Suspending its first order in which it sealed offices and operations of the INGO in Islamabad earlier this week, the Ministry of Interior let the international NGO to continue its work in the country.

“The undersigned is directed to refer to this ministry’s letter of even number dated 11th June 2015 on the subject noted about. The competent authority has desired that the action on above letter may be held in abeyance till further order,” reads the letter issued by Ministry of Interior. A copy the letter issued by a senior officer of the ministry is also available with The Express Tribune.

“The organisation [Save the Children] can continue its work in Pakistan as it has been doing for decades until any further orders,” a senior official of interior Ministry said.

“We are in process of regulating all INGOs and NGOs and all international organisations have been directed to follow the new laws or close their offices,” he added.

Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar has said the government is working on streamlining the operations of all non-profit organisations working in the country to regulate their activities.

Speaking to reporters outside the National Assembly in Islamabad on Friday, Nisar said a committee constituted by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was working on drafting new laws to set a mechanism for operations of all such organisations. PM’s Adviser on Foreign Affairs Tariq Fatemi heads the committee.

He added that no non-governmental organisation (NGO) working against the country’s national interest would be allowed to continue working in Pakistan. “We just want to regulate the system. We do not want to shut down NGOs, which follow our laws.”

SEAL Team 6: A Secret History of Quiet Killings and Blurred Lines

Navy SEALS (Credit: pinterest.com)
Navy SEALS
(Credit: pinterest.com)
They have plotted deadly missions from secret bases in the badlands of Somalia. In Afghanistan, they have engaged in combat so intimate that they have emerged soaked in blood that was not their own. On clandestine raids in the dead of the night, their weapons of choice have ranged from customized carbines to primeval tomahawks.

Around the world, they have run spying stations disguised as commercial boats, posed as civilian employees of front companies and operated undercover at embassies as male-female pairs, tracking those the United States wants to kill or capture.

Those operations are part of the hidden history of the Navy’s SEAL Team 6, one of the nation’s most mythologized, most secretive and least scrutinized military organizations. Once a small group reserved for specialized but rare missions, the unit best known for killing Osama bin Laden has been transformed by more than a decade of combat into a global manhunting machine. That role reflects America’s new way of war, in which conflict is distinguished not by battlefield wins and losses, but by the relentless killing of suspected militants.

Almost everything about SEAL Team 6, a classified Special Operations unit, is shrouded in secrecy — the Pentagon does not even publicly acknowledge that name — though some of its exploits have emerged in largely admiring accounts in recent years. But an examination of Team 6’s evolution, drawn from dozens of interviews with current and former team members, other military officials and reviews of government documents, reveals a far more complex, provocative tale.

While fighting grinding wars of attrition in Afghanistan and Iraq, Team 6 performed missions elsewhere that blurred the traditional lines between soldier and spy. The team’s sniper unit was remade to carry out clandestine intelligence operations, and the SEALs joined Central Intelligence Agency operatives in an initiative called the Omega Program, which offered greater latitude in hunting adversaries.

Team 6 has successfully carried out thousands of dangerous raids that military leaders credit with weakening militant networks, but its activities have also spurred recurring concerns about excessive killing and civilian deaths.

Afghan villagers and a British commander accused SEALs of indiscriminately killing men in one hamlet; in 2009, team members joined C.I.A. and Afghan paramilitary forces in a raid that left a group of youths dead and inflamed tensions between Afghan and NATO officials. Even an American hostage freed in a dramatic rescue has questioned why the SEALs killed all his captors.

When suspicions have been raised about misconduct, outside oversight has been limited. Joint Special Operations Command, which oversees SEAL Team 6 missions, conducted its own inquiries into more than a half-dozen episodes, but seldom referred them to Navy investigators. “JSOC investigates JSOC, and that’s part of the problem,” said one former senior military officer experienced in special operations, who like many others interviewed for this article spoke on the condition of anonymity because Team 6’s activities are classified.

Even the military’s civilian overseers do not regularly examine the unit’s operations. “This is an area where Congress notoriously doesn’t want to know too much,” said Harold Koh, the State Department’s former top legal adviser, who provided guidance to the Obama administration on clandestine war.

Waves of money have sluiced through SEAL Team 6 since 2001, allowing it to significantly expand its ranks — reaching roughly 300 assault troops, called operators, and 1,500 support personnel — to meet new demands. But some team members question whether the relentless pace of operations has eroded the unit’s elite culture and worn down Team 6 on combat missions of little importance. The group was sent to Afghanistan to hunt Qaeda leaders, but instead spent years conducting close-in battle against mid- to low-level Taliban and other enemy fighters. Team 6 members, one former operator said, served as “utility infielders with guns.”

The cost was high: More members of the unit have died over the past 14 years than in all its previous history. Repeated assaults, parachute jumps, rugged climbs and blasts from explosives have left many battered, physically and mentally.

“War is not this pretty thing that the United States has come to believe it to be,” said Britt Slabinski, a retired senior enlisted member of Team 6 and veteran of combat in Afghanistan and Iraq. “It’s emotional, one human being killing another human being for extended periods of time. It’s going to bring out the worst in you. It’s also going to bring out the best in you.”

Team 6 and its Army counterpart, Delta Force, have delivered intrepid performances that have drawn the nation’s two most recent presidents to deploy them to an expanding list of far-off trouble spots. They include Syria and Iraq, now under threat from the Islamic State, and Afghanistan, Somalia and Yemen, mired in continuing chaos.

Like the C.I.A.’s campaign of drone strikes, Special Operations missions offer policy makers an alternative to costly wars of occupation. But the bulwark of secrecy around Team 6 makes it impossible to fully assess its record and the consequences of its actions, including civilian casualties or the deep resentment inside the countries where its members operate. The missions have become embedded in American combat with little public discussion or debate.

Former Senator Bob Kerrey, a Nebraska Democrat and a member of the SEALs during the Vietnam War, cautioned that Team 6 and other Special Operations forces had been overused. “They have become sort of a 1-800 number anytime somebody wants something done,” he said. But relying on them so much, he added, is inevitable whenever American leaders are faced with “one of those situations where the choice you have is between a horrible choice and a bad choice, one of those cases where you have no option.”

While declining to comment specifically on SEAL Team 6, the United States Special Operations Command said that since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, its forces “have been involved in tens of thousands of missions and operations in multiple geographic theaters, and consistently uphold the highest standards required of the U.S. Armed Forces.”

The command said its operators are trained to operate in complex and fast-moving environments and it trusts them to conduct themselves appropriately. “All allegations of misconduct are taken seriously,” the statement said, adding: “Substantiated findings are dealt with by military or law enforcement authorities.”

The unit’s advocates express no doubts about the value of such invisible warriors. “If you want these forces to do things that occasionally bend the rules of international law,” said James G. Stavridis, a retired admiral and former Supreme Allied Commander at NATO, referring to going into undeclared war zones, “you certainly don’t want that out in public.” Team 6, he added, “should continue to operate in the shadows.”

But others warn of the seduction of an endless campaign of secret missions, far from public view. “If you’re unacknowledged on the battlefield,” said William C. Banks, an expert on national security law at Syracuse University, “you’re not accountable.”

Fighting Up Close

During a chaotic battle in March 2002 on the Takur Ghar mountaintop close to the Pakistan border, Petty Officer First Class Neil C. Roberts, an assault specialist in SEAL Team 6, fell from a helicopter onto terrain held by Qaeda forces.

Enemy fighters killed him before American troops were able to get there, mutilating his body in the snow.

It was SEAL Team 6’s first major battle in Afghanistan, and he was the first member to die. The manner in which he was killed sent shudders through the tight-knit community. America’s new war would be up close and ugly. At times, the troops carried out the grisliest of tasks: cutting off fingers or small patches of scalp for DNA analysis from militants they had just killed.

After the March 2002 campaign, most of Osama bin Laden’s fighters fled into Pakistan, and Team 6 would rarely fight another sustained, pitched battle against the terrorist network in Afghanistan. The enemy they had been sent to take on had largely disappeared.

At the time, the team was prohibited from hunting Taliban fighters and also blocked from chasing any Qaeda operatives into Pakistan, out of concern about alienating the Pakistani government. Mostly confined to the Bagram Air Base outside Kabul, the SEALs were frustrated. The C.I.A., though, was under no similar restrictions, and Team 6 members eventually began working with the spy agency and operated under its broader combat authorities, according to former military and intelligence officials.

The missions, part of the Omega Program, allowed the SEALs to conduct “deniable operations” against the Taliban and other militants in Pakistan. Omega was modeled after the Vietnam-era Phoenix Program, when C.I.A. officers and Special Operations troops conducted interrogations and assassinations to try to dismantle the Vietcong’s guerrilla networks in South Vietnam.

But an extensive campaign of lethal operations in Pakistan was considered too risky, the officials said, so the Omega Program primarily focused on using Afghan Pashtuns to run spying missions into the Pakistani tribal areas, as well as working with C.I.A.-trained Afghan militias during night raids in Afghanistan. A C.I.A. spokesman declined to comment for this article.

The escalating conflict in Iraq was drawing most of the Pentagon’s attention and required a steady buildup of troops, including deployments by SEAL Team 6 members. With the relatively small American military footprint in Afghanistan, Taliban forces began to regroup. Alarmed, Lt. Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal, who was leading Joint Special Operations Command, in 2006 ordered the SEALs and other troops to take on a more expansive task in Afghanistan: Beat back the Taliban.

These guys are training to have a snap judgment in basically a second. They’re not trained to be F.B.I. agents.

That order led to years of nightly raids or fights by Team 6, which was designated the lead Special Operations force during some of the most violent years in what became America’s longest war. A secret unit that was created to carry out the nation’s riskiest operations would instead be engaged in dangerous but increasingly routine combat.

The surge in operations started during that summer when Team 6 operators and Army Rangers began to hunt down midlevel Taliban figures in hopes of finding leaders of the group in Kandahar Province, the Taliban heartland. The SEALs used techniques developed with Delta Force in kill-and-capture campaigns in Iraq. The logic behind the manhunts was that intelligence gathered from a militant safe house, along with that collected by the C.I.A. and the National Security Agency, could lead to a bomb maker’s workshop and eventually to the door of an insurgent commander.

Special Operations troops struck a seemingly endless succession of targets. No figures are publicly available that break out the number of raids that Team 6 carried out in Afghanistan or their toll. Military officials say that no shots were fired on most raids. But between 2006 and 2008, Team 6 operators said, there were intense periods in which for weeks at a time their unit logged 10 to 15 kills on many nights, and sometimes up to 25.

The accelerated pace caused “guys to become fierce,” said a former Team 6 officer. “These killing fests had become routine.”

Special Operations commanders say the raids helped unravel Taliban networks. But some Team 6 members came to doubt that they were making much of a difference. One former senior enlisted SEAL member, pressed for details about one mission, said, “It became so many of these targets, it was just another name.”

“Whether they were facilitators, Taliban subcommanders, Taliban commanders, financiers, it no longer became important,” he added.

Another former Team 6 member, an officer, was even more dismissive of some of the operations. “By 2010, guys were going after street thugs,” he said. “The most highly trained force in the world, chasing after street thugs.”

The unit pushed to make its operations faster, quieter and deadlier, and benefited from a ballooning budget and from advances in technology since 2001. Team 6’s bland cover name — the Naval Special Warfare Development Group — is a nod to its official mission of developing new equipment and tactics for the broader SEAL organization, which also includes nine unclassified teams.

The SEALs’ armorers customized a new German-made rifle and equipped nearly every weapon with suppressors, which reduce gunshot sounds and muzzle flashes. Infrared lasers enabling the SEALs to shoot more accurately at night became standard issue, as did thermal optics to detect body heat. The SEALs were equipped with a new generation of grenade — a thermobaric model that is particularly effective in making buildings collapse. They often operated in larger groups than they had traditionally done. More SEALs carrying deadlier weapons meant that fewer enemies escaped alive.

Some Team 6 assault troops also used tomahawks crafted by Daniel Winkler, a knife maker in North Carolina who forged blades for the film “The Last of the Mohicans.” During one period, members of Team 6’s Red Squadron — its logo shows crossed tomahawks below the face of a Native American warrior — received a Winkler hatchet after their first year in the squadron, according to two members. In an interview, Mr. Winkler declined to discuss which SEAL units had received his tomahawks, but did say many were paid for by private donors.

The weapons were not just wall ornaments. Several former Team 6 members said that some men carried the hatchets on missions, and at least one killed an enemy fighter with the weapon. Dom Raso, a former Team 6 member who left the Navy in 2012, said that hatchets were used “for breaching, getting into doors, manipulating small locks, hand-to-hand combat and other things.” He added that hatchet and blade kills occurred during his time with the SEALs.

“Whatever tool you need to protect yourself and your brothers, whether it is a blade or a gun, you are going to use,” said Mr. Raso, who has worked with Mr. Winkler in producing a blade.

Many SEAL operators rejected any use of tomahawks — saying they were too bulky to take into combat and not as effective as firearms — even as they acknowledged the messiness of warfare.

“It’s a dirty business,” said one former senior enlisted Team 6 member. “What’s the difference between shooting them as I was told and pulling out a knife and stabbing them or hatcheting them?”

The Culture

SEAL Team 6’s fenced-off headquarters at the Dam Neck Annex of the Oceana Naval Air Station, just south of Virginia Beach, houses a secretive military within the military. Far removed from the public eye, the base is home not just to the team’s 300 enlisted operators (they disdain the term “commandos”), their officers and commanders, but also to its pilots, Seabee builders, bomb disposal technicians, engineers, medical crews and an intelligence unit equipped with sophisticated surveillance and global tracking technology.

The Navy SEALs — the acronym stands for Sea, Air, Land forces — evolved from the frogmen of World War II. Team 6 arose decades later, born out of the failed 1980 mission to rescue 53 American hostages seized in the takeover of the United States Embassy in Tehran. Poor planning and bad weather forced commanders to abort the mission, and eight servicemen died when two aircraft collided over the Iranian desert.

The Navy then asked Cmdr. Richard Marcinko, a hard-charging Vietnam veteran, to build a SEAL unit that could respond quickly to terrorist crises. The name itself was an attempt at Cold War disinformation: Only two SEAL teams existed at the time, but Commander Marcinko called the unit SEAL Team 6 hoping that Soviet analysts would overestimate the size of the force.

He flouted rules and fostered a maverick image for the unit. (Years after leaving the command, he was convicted of military contract fraud.) In his autobiography, “Rogue Warrior,” Commander Marcinko describes drinking together as important to SEAL Team 6’s solidarity; his recruiting interviews often amounted to boozy chats in a bar.

Officially, SEAL Team 6 does not exist. The unit performs some of the military’s most dangerous missions, those considered too risky for conventional troops.

Inside Team 6, there were initially two assault groups, called Blue and Gold, after the Navy colors. Blue used the Jolly Roger pirate flag as its insignia and early on earned the nickname “the Bad Boys in Blue,” for racking up drunken driving arrests, abusing narcotics and crashing rental cars on training exercises with near impunity.

Young officers sometimes were run out of Team 6 for trying to clean up what they perceived as a culture of recklessness. Adm. William H. McRaven, who rose to head the Special Operations Command and oversaw the Bin Laden raid, was pushed out of Team 6 and assigned to another SEAL team during the Marcinko era after complaining of difficulties in keeping his troops in line.

Ryan Zinke, a former Team 6 officer and now a Republican congressman from Montana, recalled an episode after a team training mission aboard a cruise liner in preparation for potential hostage rescues at the 1992 Summer Olympics in Barcelona, Spain. Mr. Zinke escorted an admiral to a bar in the ship’s lower level. “When we opened the door, it reminded me of ‘Pirates of the Caribbean,’” Mr. Zinke said, recalling that the admiral was appalled by the operators’ long hair, beards and earrings. “My Navy?” the admiral asked him. “These guys are in my Navy?”

That was the beginning of what Mr. Zinke referred to as “the great bloodletting,” when the Navy purged Team 6’s leadership to professionalize the force. Current and former Team 6 operators said the culture was different today. Members now tend to be better educated, more athletic, older and more mature — though some are still known for pushing limits.

“I got kicked out of the Boy Scouts,” said one former officer. Most Team 6 SEALs, he added, “were like me.”

Delta Force members, who have a reputation for going by the book, often start out as regular infantry, then move up through the Army’s Ranger units and Special Forces teams before joining Delta. But SEAL Team 6 is more isolated from the rest of the Navy, with many of its men entering the brutal SEAL training pipeline from outside the military.

After several years on regular SEAL teams — the even-numbered ones based in Virginia Beach, the odd-numbered ones in San Diego, and a unit in Hawaii dedicated to mini-submarines — SEALs can try out for Team 6. Many are eager to get to the most elite unit, but about half of them wash out.

Officers rotate through Team 6, sometimes returning for several tours, but the enlisted SEALs typically stay far longer, giving them outsize influence. “A lot of the enlisted guys think that they really run the show,” said one former senior member. “That’s part of the Marcinko style.”

And they tend to swagger, critics and defenders say. While the other SEAL teams (called “white” or “vanilla” SEALs within the military) perform similar tasks, Team 6 pursues the highest value targets and takes on hostage rescues in combat zones. It also works more with the C.I.A. and does more clandestine missions outside war zones. Only Team 6 trains to chase after nuclear weapons that fall into the wrong hands.

Team 6’s role in the 2011 Bin Laden raid spawned a cottage industry of books and documentaries, leaving tight-lipped Delta Force troops rolling their eyes. Members of Team 6 are expected to honor a code of silence about their missions, and many current and former members fume that two of their own spoke out about their role in the Qaeda leader’s death. The men, Matt Bissonnette, author of two best sellers about his tenure at SEAL Team 6, and Robert O’Neill, who said in a television special that he had killed Bin Laden, are under investigation by the Naval Criminal Investigative Service over accusations that they revealed classified information.

Others have been quietly kicked out for drug use or quit over conflicts of interest involving military contractors or side jobs. The Navy reprimanded 11 current and former operators in 2012 for disclosing Team 6 tactics or handing over classified training films to help promote a computer game, “Medal of Honor: Warfighter.”

With multiple deployments over the last 13 years, few of the unit’s members are unscathed. About three dozen operators and support personnel have died on combat missions, according to a former senior team member. They include 15 Gold Squadron members and two bomb specialists who were killed in 2011 when a helicopter with the call sign Extortion 17 was shot down in Afghanistan, the most devastating day in Team 6 history.

Blasts from explosions used to breach compounds on raids, repeated assaults and the battering from riding on high-speed assault boats in sea rescues or training have taken a toll. Some men have sustained traumatic brain injuries. “Your body is trashed,” said one recently retired operator. “Your brain is trashed.”

“SEALs are a lot like N.F.L. guys: They never want to say ‘I am taking myself out of the lineup,’” said Dr. John Hart, medical science director at the Center for BrainHealth at the University of Texas at Dallas, which has treated many SEAL patients. “If they send guys back in who already have the effects of a concussion, they are constantly adding a dose of a hit to an existing brain condition. The brain needs sufficient time to heal.”

Early on in the Afghan war, SEAL Team 6 was assigned to protect the Afghan leader Hamid Karzai; one of the Americans was grazed in the head during an assassination attempt on the future president. But in the years that followed, Mr. Karzai became a bitter critic of the United States Special Operations troops, complaining that they routinely killed civilians in raids. He viewed the activities of Team 6 and other units as a boon for Taliban recruiting and eventually tried to block night raids entirely.

Most missions were not lethal. Several Team 6 members said they herded women and children together and knocked men out of the way, with a push or a gun muzzle, to search homes. They frequently took prisoners; a number of detainees had broken noses after SEALs punched them in struggles to subdue them, one officer said.

The Team 6 members often operate under the watchful eyes of their commanders — officers at overseas operations centers and at Dam Neck can routinely view live surveillance feeds of raids provided by drones high above — but are also given wide latitude. While Special Operations troops functioned under the same rules of engagement as other military personnel in Afghanistan, Team 6 members routinely performed their missions at night, making life-or-death decisions in dark rooms with few witnesses and beyond the view of a camera.

Operators would use weapons with suppressors to quietly kill enemies as they slept, an act that they defend as no different from dropping a bomb on an enemy barracks. “I snuck into people’s houses while they were sleeping,” Mr. Bissonnette says in his book “No Hero,” written under the pseudonym Mark Owen. “If I caught them with a gun, I killed them, just like all the guys in the command.”

And their decisions tend to be certain. Noting that they shoot to kill, a former noncommissioned officer added that the operators fire “security rounds” into those who are down to ensure that they are dead. (In a 2011 mission on a hijacked yacht off the coast of Africa, one Team 6 member slashed a pirate with a knife and left 91 wounds, according to a medical examiner, after the man and other attackers killed four American hostages. Operators are trained “to slice and dice every major artery,” said one former SEAL.)

The rules boiled down to this, the noncommissioned officer said: “If in your assessment you feel threatened, in a split second, then you’re going to kill somebody.” He described how one SEAL sniper killed three unarmed people, including a small girl, in separate episodes in Afghanistan and told his superiors that he felt they had posed a threat. Legally, that was sufficient. “But that doesn’t fly” in Team 6, the noncommissioned officer said. “You actually have to be threatened.” He added that the sniper was forced out of Team 6.

A half-dozen former officers and enlisted troops who were interviewed said they knew of civilian deaths caused by Team 6. Mr. Slabinski, a former senior enlisted member of SEAL Team 6, said he witnessed Team 6 members mistakenly kill civilians “probably four or five times” during his deployments.

Several former officers said they routinely questioned Team 6 operators when their suspicions were raised about unwarranted killings, but they usually found no clear evidence of wrongdoing. “There was no incentive to dig deep on that,” said a former senior Special Operations officer.

“Do I think bad things went on?” another former top officer asked. “Do I think there was more killing than should have been done? Sure.”

“I think the natural inclination was, if it’s a threat, kill it, and later on you realize, ‘Oh, maybe I overassessed the threat,’ ” he said. “Do I think that guys intentionally killed people that didn’t deserve it? I have a hard time believing that.”

Civilian deaths are an inevitable part of every war but in conflicts with no clear battle lines and where enemy fighters are often indistinguishable from noncombatants, some military law experts say, the traditional rules of war have become outdated and new Geneva Convention protocols are necessary. But others bristle at the notion, saying that the longstanding, unambiguous rules of behavior should govern murky, modern combat.

“Emphasizing these lines and rules becomes even more important when you’re fighting a lawless, remorseless enemy,” said Geoffrey S. Corn, the former senior law of war expert for the Army’s Office of the Judge Advocate General and now a professor at South Texas College of Law. “That is when the instinct for revenge is going to be strong. And war is not about revenge.”

Near the end of an Afghan deployment by Team 6’s Blue Squadron, which concluded in early 2008, elders complained to the British general whose forces controlled Helmand Province. He immediately called Capt. Scott Moore, commander of SEAL Team 6, saying that two elders had reported that the SEALs killed civilians in a village, according to a former Team 6 senior member.

Captain Moore confronted those leading the mission, which was intended to capture or kill a Taliban figure code-named Objective Pantera.

When Captain Moore asked what had happened, the squadron commander, Peter G. Vasely, denied that operators had killed any noncombatants. He said they had killed all the men they encountered because they all had guns, according to the former Team 6 member and a military official. Captain Vasely, who now oversees the regular SEAL teams based on the East Coast, declined to comment through a spokesman.

Captain Moore asked the Joint Special Operations Command to investigate the episode. About that time, the command received reports that dozens of witnesses in a village were alleging that American forces had engaged in summary executions.

Another former senior Team 6 member contended later that Mr. Slabinski, Blue Squadron’s command master chief, gave pre-mission guidance that every male at the target be killed. Mr. Slabinski denied that, saying there was no policy to leave all men dead. “I didn’t ever convey that to the guys,” he said in an interview.

He said that around the time of that raid he had been disturbed after witnessing one of the younger operators slashing at the throat of a dead Taliban fighter. “It appeared he was mutilating a body,” Mr. Slabinski said, adding that he quickly yelled, “Stop what you’re doing!”

The Naval Criminal Investigative Service later concluded the operator might have been cutting off gear from the dead fighter’s chest. But Team 6 leaders said they were worried that some operators were getting out of control, and the one involved in the episode was sent back to the United States. Mr. Slabinski, suspecting that his men had not been following the rules of engagement properly, gathered them for what he called a “very stern speech.”

“If any of you feel a need to do any retribution, you should call me,” he recalled telling them. “There’s no one that could authorize that other than me.” He said his message was intended to convey that permission would never come because such conduct was inappropriate. But he conceded that perhaps some of his men may have misunderstood.

JSOC cleared the squadron of any wrongdoing in the Pantera operation, according to two former Team 6 members. It is not clear how many Afghans were killed in the raid or exactly where it happened, though a former officer said he believed it was just south of Lashkar Gah, the capital of Helmand Province.

But the killings prompted a high-level discussion about how, in a country where many men carried guns, Team 6 could “guarantee that we’re only going after the real bad guys,” one of the former senior team leaders said.

In other inquiries, which were usually handled by JSOC, not Navy investigators, no one faced any charges. Typically, men were sent home when concerns arose; three, for example, were sent back to Dam Neck after roughing up a detainee during an interrogation, one former officer said, as were some team members involved in questionable killings.

More than a year later, another mission spurred strong protests from Afghans. Just after midnight on Dec. 27, 2009, dozens of American and Afghan troops landed in helicopters several miles from the small village of Ghazi Khan in Kunar Province, and hiked to the village in darkness. By the time they left, 10 residents had been killed.

What happened that night is still in dispute. The purpose of the mission was to capture or kill a senior Taliban operative, but it was quickly apparent that no Taliban leaders were present at the target. The mission had been based on faulty intelligence, a problem that bedeviled United States military operations even after years in Afghanistan. A former governor of the province investigated, and accused the Americans of killing unarmed schoolboys.

The United Nations mission in Afghanistan issued a statement saying that an initial investigation had concluded that “eight of those killed were students enrolled in local schools.”

American military spokesmen initially said that those who died were part of an insurgent cell that had been building improvised explosive devices. Eventually, they backed off that claim. But some American military officials still insist that all of the youths had guns and were tied to the Taliban. One NATO statement said that the people who carried out the raid were “nonmilitary in nature,” seemingly a reference to the C.I.A., which was in charge of the operation.

But Team 6 members had also participated in that mission. As part of the covert Omega Program, they joined an assault force that included C.I.A. paramilitary officers and Afghan troops trained by the spy agency.

By then, the program that had begun at the dawn of the Afghan war had changed. Forays into Pakistan were limited because it was difficult to operate there without being noticed by Pakistani soldiers and spies, so missions were mostly confined to the Afghan side of the border.

Over time, General McChrystal, who became the top American commander in Afghanistan, responded to Mr. Karzai’s complaints about civilian deaths by tightening the rules on night raids and scaling back the pace of special operations.

After years of refining techniques to sneak up on enemy compounds, Team 6 members were often required to “call out” before attacking a site, akin to a sheriff announcing through a bullhorn, “Come out with your hands up.”

Mr. Slabinski said that civilian casualties occurred most often during the “call out” operations, which were meant to mitigate exactly such losses. Enemy combatants, he said, would sometimes send out family members and then shoot from behind them, or give civilians flashlights and tell them to point out American positions.

Mr. O’Neill, the former Team 6 member, agreed that the rules could be frustrating. “What we found was, the more latitude for collateral damage that they gave us, the more effective we were because we’re not going to take advantage of it but we know we’re not going to be second-guessed,” he said in an interview. “When there were more rules, it did get more difficult.”

Rescue Missions

Years ago, before the Afghan night raids and the wartime deployments, SEAL Team 6 trained constantly to rescue hostages — dangerous, difficult missions they never got a chance to perform before 2001. Since then, the unit has attempted at least 10 rescues, which have been among its most celebrated successes and bitterest failures.

Operators say that in rescues — considered “no-fail” missions — they have to move faster and expose themselves to greater risk than on any other type of operation so that they can protect hostages from being shot or otherwise harmed. The SEALs often end up killing most of the captors.
The first high-profile rescue came in 2003, when SEAL Team 6 operators helped retrieve Pfc. Jessica Lynch, who had been injured, captured and held in a hospital, during the early days of the Iraq war.

Six years later, Team 6 members jumped out of cargo planes into the Indian Ocean with their specially designed assault boats in advance of the mission to rescue Richard Phillips, the captain of the Maersk Alabama, a container ship hijacked by Somali pirates. The operators, captured in a video shown by Mr. O’Neill, parachuted with swim fins strapped over their boots after releasing four boats — small, fast and equipped with stealth features to evade radar — that were each suspended by a canopy of multiple parachutes. SEAL snipers eventually killed three of the pirates.

In 2012, operators sky-dived into Somalia to free an American aid worker, Jessica Buchanan, and her Danish colleague, Poul Hagen Thisted. JSOC considers its performance as the standard for such missions. The SEALs used a free-fall parachuting technique called “HAHO,” for high altitude-high opening, in which they jump from a high altitude and steer their way on the wind for many miles to cross a border secretly, an exercise so risky that over the years several men died while in training.

Ms. Buchanan recalled that four of the kidnappers were within 15 feet of her when the Team 6 members approached under cover of darkness. They shot and killed all nine captors while rescuing the aid workers. “Until they identified themselves, I did not believe a rescue was possible,” Ms. Buchanan said in an interview.

In October 2010, one Team 6 member erred during an attempt to rescue Linda Norgrove, a 36-year old British aid worker being held by the Taliban. Disaster struck in the first two minutes, after operators jumped from helicopters in the mountains of Kunar Province and slid down 90 feet of braided rope to a steep slope, according to two senior military officials.

As they sprinted in the dark toward the Taliban compound, the newest member of the team was confused, he later told investigators. His gun had jammed. “Thinking a million miles a minute,” he said, he threw a grenade at what he believed were a pair of fighters hiding in a ditch.

Linda Norgrove, a British aid worker, died during a rescue attempt by SEALs in Kunar Province, Afghanistan.

But after an exchange of gunfire that killed several Taliban captors, the SEALs found the hostage — wearing dark clothing and a head scarf — dead in the ditch. Initially, the operator who threw the grenade and another unit member reported that Ms. Norgrove was killed by an explosive suicide vest. That story quickly fell apart. Surveillance video shows that she died almost instantly from fragmentation wounds to her head and back caused by the grenade blast, the investigative report noted.

A joint inquiry by the American and British governments concluded that the operator who had thrown the grenade had violated procedures for hostage rescues. He was forced out of Team 6, although permitted to remain in another SEAL unit.

A rescue operation two years later succeeded in releasing an American physician, though at great cost. One night in December 2012, a group of Team 6 operators wearing night-vision goggles burst into a compound in Afghanistan where Taliban militants were holding Dr. Dilip Joseph, who had been working with an aid organization. The first operator to enter was felled by a shot to the head, and the other Americans responded with brutal efficiency, killing all five of the captors.

But Dr. Joseph and military officials offer sharply different accounts of how the raid unfolded. The physician said in an interview that a 19-year-old named Wallakah was the sole kidnapper to survive the initial assault. He had been subdued by the SEAL operators and sat on the ground, hands around his knees, his head down, the doctor remembered. Wallakah, he believed, was the one who had shot the Team 6 operator.

Minutes later, while waiting to board a helicopter to freedom, Dr. Joseph said, one of his SEAL rescuers guided him back into the house, where he saw in the moonlight that Wallakah was lying in a pool of blood, dead. “I remember those things as clear as day,” the doctor said.

Military officials, speaking only on background about the classified operation, contended that all of the captors were quickly killed after the SEAL team entered and Wallakah had never been taken prisoner. They also said that Dr. Joseph had seemed disoriented at the time and never re-entered the house, and questioned whether he could have seen what was happening on the dark night.

Two years later, Dr. Joseph remains grateful for his rescue and the sacrifice made by Petty Officer Nicolas D. Checque, the team member killed on the mission. But he still wonders what happened with Wallakah.

“It took me weeks to come to terms with the efficiency of the rescue,” Dr. Joseph said. “It was so surgical.”

A Global Spying Force

From a string of firebases along the Afghan border, Team 6 regularly sent Afghan locals into the tribal areas of Pakistan to collect intelligence. The team transformed the large, brightly painted “jingle” trucks popular in the region into mobile spying stations, hiding sophisticated eavesdropping equipment in the back of the trucks and using Pashtuns to drive them over the border.

Outside the mountains of Pakistan, the team also ventured into the country’s southwest desert, including the volatile Baluchistan region. One mission nearly ended in disaster when militants fired a rocket-propelled grenade from a doorway, causing the roof of their compound to collapse and a Team 6 sniper atop it to fall through onto a small group of fighters. A fellow American sniper nearby quickly killed them, one former operator recounted.

Beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan, members of Team 6’s Black Squadron were scattered around the world on spying missions. Originally Team 6’s sniper unit, Black Squadron was reconfigured after the Sept. 11 attacks to conduct “advance force operations,” military jargon for intelligence gathering and other clandestine activities in preparation for a Special Operations mission.

It was a particularly popular concept at the Pentagon under former Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld. By the middle of last decade, General McChrystal had designated Team 6 to take on an expanded role in global intelligence-gathering missions, and Black Squadron operatives deployed to American embassies from sub-Saharan Africa to Latin America to the Middle East.

SEAL Team 6 used diplomatic pouches, the regular shipments of classified documents and other material to American diplomatic posts, to get weapons to Black Squadron operators stationed overseas, said a former member. In Afghanistan, Black Squadron operators wore tribal dress and sneaked into villages to plant cameras and listening devices and interview residents in the days or weeks before night raids, according to several former Team 6 members.

The unit sets up front companies to provide cover for Black Squadron operators in the Middle East, and runs floating spying stations disguised as commercial boats off the coasts of Somalia and Yemen. Black Squadron members, working from the American Embassy in Sana, the Yemeni capital, were central to the hunt for Anwar al-Awlaki, the radical cleric and American citizen who had become affiliated with Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. He was killed in 2011 by a C.I.A. drone.

One former member of Black Squadron said that in Somalia and Yemen, operators were not allowed to pull the trigger unless the highest-value targets were in their sights. “Outside Iraq and Afghanistan we were not throwing any nets,” the former member said. “It was totally different.”

Black Squadron has something the rest of SEAL Team 6 does not: female operatives. Women in the Navy are admitted to Black Squadron and sent overseas to gather intelligence, usually working in embassies with male counterparts. One former SEAL Team 6 officer said that male and female members of Black Squadron would often work together in pairs. It is called “profile softening,” making the couple appear less suspicious to hostile intelligence services or militant groups.

Black Squadron now has more than 100 members, its growth coinciding with the expansion of perceived threats around the world. It also reflects the shift among American policy makers. Anxious about using shadow warriors in the years after the 1993 “Black Hawk Down” debacle in Mogadishu, Somalia, government officials today are willing to send units like SEAL Team 6 to conflicts, whether the United States chooses to acknowledge its role or not.

“When I was in, we were always chasing wars,” said Mr. Zinke, the congressman and former Team 6 member. “These guys found them.”

Matthew Rosenberg and Richard A. Oppel Jr. contributed reporting. Research was contributed by Kitty Bennett, Alain Delaquérière, Susan Campbell Beachy and William M. Arkin.

Al-Qaeda chief was reading Chomsky in Abbotabad, Pakistan – US intelligence

CIA aerial view of OBL compound in Abbotabad (Credit: enwikipedia.org)
CIA aerial view of OBL
compound in Abbotabad
(Credit: enwikipedia.org)
Osama bin Laden spent his last reading the books of Bob Woodward and Noam Chomsky, conspiracy theories about the September 11 attacks and continued to plot attacks against the West, according to a “library” of documents released by the US intelligence services.

Officials in Washington released more than 100 documents they said were discovered inside the al-Qaeda leader’s compound in Abbottabad by US special forces after a raid to kill or capture him in May 2011.

The digital volumes reportedly included works by linguist and writer Noam Chomsky, former intelligence official and antiwar activist Michael Scheuer, conspiracy texts about the September 11 attacks that Bin Laden himself had plotted and a work by Bob Woodward.

US officials say Osama Bin Laden was reading a variety of books in his last days, including one by Bob Woodward.

The release of the newly-declassified documents comes as the US is engaged in a dispute over the circumstances in which the al-Qaeda leader was found and killed. The US has always insisted it tracked down the 54-year-old by means of first finding his trusted couriers, who then unknowingly led them to the compound.

However, a number of commentators have raised questions about such a narrative, suggesting instead that senior figures within the Pakistani military were holding him for leverage. Most recently the veteran investigative journalist Seyour Hersh claimed the White House had repeatedly mislead the US public over the details of the Bin Laden operation.

Mr Hersh told The Independent the US government was continuing to mislead people and was getting entrapped by its own twists. “When you change course in midstream, you walk all over yourself,” he said.

The documents purportedly found in the property also quoted Bin Laden as saying his militants should focus their attacks on America and American targets.

“The focus should be on killing and fighting the American people and their representatives,” Bin Laden apparently wrote in one of the newly revealed documents.

He wrote one letter to militants in North Africa and told them to stop “insisting on the formation of an Islamic State” and rather to attack US embassies and American oil companies.

Bin Laden also told al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula – the Yemeni affiliate of the group – to halt attacks on domestic targets and start launching attacks on American interests.
It is not clear whether bin Laden’s warnings against Isis never reached the militants or if they simply were ignored, but al-Qaeda has continued to carry out attacks on local targets.

The Office of the Director of National Intelligence said in a statement that the release of the documents followed a review by US government agencies and “aligns with the president’s call for increased transparency consistent with national security prerogatives”.

One of the documents, translated by intelligence officials, is said to begin begins with questions that similar to a conventional job application, the Associated Press reported.

President Barack Obama has insisted the US tracked down Bin Laden without Pakistani help.

“Do you have hobbies? Have you been convicted of a crime,” it says. “What objectives would you like to accomplish on your jihad path?”

It then asks: “Do you wish to execute a suicide operation,” and adds: “Who should we contact in case you become a martyr?”

Some commentators believe he US has acted inconsistently with the release of documents and evidence relating to the Bin Laden raid. Wednesday’s release was the second; 17 documents from the compound were previously made public in May 2012, one year after the Navy SEAL raid.

But a lot of information remains classified, or may even have been destroyed. The Associated Press, among other media organisations, have lobbied the government to release more documents, including the details of Bin Laden’s funeral, which the White House said was carried out at sea on a US naval vessel immediately after he was shot and killed.
Last year it was revealed that eleven days after the killing, the US military’s top special operations officer ordered subordinates to destroy any photographs of the Bin Laden’s corpse or turn them over to the CIA.

The message was sent by Admiral William McRaven, who heads the US Special Operations Command, 10 days after the AP asked for the photos and other documents under the US Freedom of Information Act. The White House said Bin Laden’s body was buried at sea on board the the US Navy’s carrier USS Carl Vinson .

The documents said to have been found in Pakistan also suggested that Bin Laden was a man who doted upon up his many sons and daughters, and was a much-loved and admired father.

The documents also present Bin Laden as a meticulous editor, and some of the memos he wrote were revised as many as 50 times.

The new documents show how Bin Laden reacted to the events of the Arab Spring, which was rocking the Middle East in the months before his death.

He wrote lengthy memos analysing what was happening, pointing to the “new factor” of the so-called information technology revolution. He said this had helped spur the revolutions and characterised them as “the most important events in the Muslim world in centuries”.

‘Aboard the Democracy Train is ‘key book’ on topic’ – Vikas Datta

Another perceptive look into an embattled country and where Ms. Hoodbhoy scores is starting much earlier in a more dangerous decade which has however not got its adequate share of attention due to the lesser outward manifestations of violence, save in benighted Karachi and Sindh…. One little disconcerting issue is that in the post-9/11 account, all the personal touches disappear and it is all bald fact, incisive no doubt, but doesn’t tell much about the author’s own experiences and thoughts. Overall, a key book which must be read by anyone interested in the topic and find where and how the problems came up…