My Son, the Jihadist

Birmingham — Britain’s most multicultural city, with a mix of white, Asian, Somali and Arab communities — seemed a good place for our children to feel integrated. Despite the typical challenges of growing up in an inner-city area, Rasheed was a straight-A student. He went to college for a while but then signed up for an apprenticeship in electrical engineering. He seemed to flourish and would talk about how he wanted to set up his own business.

Early in 2014, things began to change. My husband and I were having marital difficulties, and Rasheed began to withdraw. My funny, lighthearted boy slowly turned into an aloof 18-year-old. He grew out his sleek hair into an unruly mane. He had worn faded jeans and hoodies, but now he chose loose jogging pants with a traditional long tunic.

Rasheed even insisted I shorten the hem of his trousers, so that they’d sit above his ankles. Being a fashion-conscious mother, this grated on me. But it also bothered me because I knew it was a look favored by those who adhered to strict interpretations of Islam.

Rasheed had been in the habit of attending the local mosque with his father. It was a moderate mosque, serving both first- and second-generation immigrants from Asian and Arab countries. But Rasheed began to grow impatient with the older, more cultivated attendees at this mosque and sought out a younger congregation at another one known for its more conservative teaching.

He had been a rather lazy reader, but Rasheed became avid, bringing home Islamic literature by authors I’d never heard of. He also started fasting more — outside the Ramadan norm. This caused tension because it meant absenting himself from family meals. With our relationship already strained, I didn’t push the issue because I didn’t want another reason for an argument.

It was a fraught year, and I was distracted with the ups and downs of our marriage. My husband and I eventually worked through our differences, but Rasheed withdrew further. As the months passed, he seemed only more drained and preoccupied, as if the effort of keeping it together was too much.

At times, I felt I didn’t recognize him anymore, but then I’d spot some flash of his old self. I felt hopeful that Rasheed was still there, underneath the teenage angst. Finally, in December, I thought daylight had returned. Rasheed suddenly became more relaxed and upbeat. He began hanging out with his old friends again. I felt relieved: He’d overcome it, whatever it was.

One day, Rasheed left a gift on my pillow: a diamond necklace with a note that read: “To Mama, No matter how much gold and how many precious stones are used, it’s never enough to show how precious you are to me. Love, Rasheed.” I had my son back.

Only later did I realize that his change was anything but a recovery, but something sad and sinister. Rasheed had entered the phase of radicalization when a person prepares to leave. It’s similar to when a depressed person decides to take his life; his mood can seem to lift with the decision, lulling family and friends into a false sense of security.

I now know that Rasheed’s gift was his way of saying goodbye.

Friday, May 29, 2015, started out like any other day, but it was the last time I’d ever see my son. There were no kisses. Not even a note. He was just gone. Rasheed walked away from his life with us with just the clothes on his back, leaving behind everything he knew.

Full of apprehension, we reported his abrupt departure to the police. As the police conducted their investigation, a cloud hung over us. We understood why they had to question us, but we felt the weight of their suspicion: Did we know more than we were saying? This only added to our guilt that we should have read the signs better and somehow been able to stop him.

The police asked us to view surveillance footage from the airport of a young man preparing to board a flight for Turkey. As I stared at the grainy pictures, there was no doubt. It was Rasheed.

I veered from numbness to rage. How could he have done this to me?

After 10 distressing weeks, Rasheed finally contacted me via WhatsApp. He said he was in Syria. Once I heard that, I knew I had to prepare for the worst.

But I also had to make a choice. I could hold onto my anger at Rasheed for the decisions he’d made and run the risk that he’d never contact me again. Or I could try to stay calm and keep our relationship alive in the hope that he might ultimately see sense. I chose the latter course.

Occasionally, there seemed a ray of hope. In one conversation with his sister, he said, “If I’m wrong about this choice that I have made, pray to God that I’m guided away from it.”

Was he having doubts? Was this his way of asking for help, a way out?

As I communicated with Rasheed over the following months, through phone calls and texts, I tried desperately to win the battle for my child’s heart and mind. I clung to the bond we’d once had. The boy I’d raised was gone, yet when we spoke, he never stopped calling me Mama.

One day, he told me awkwardly that a senior Islamic State leader had proposed finding him a jihadi bride. He spoke of his nervousness at meeting the young woman and the idea of marriage. He asked what I thought. What could I say? Despite everything, he still wanted his mother’s approval.

He and his group lived under constant fear of airstrikes, after which they’d have to search for survivors among the rubble. He told me how they were forced to watch public beheadings, which served as a stark warning for anyone considering desertion. He never told me about the things he was called upon to do — his phone calls were monitored — but when his father probed, he said one time that he had been sent out of the Islamic State’s eastern stronghold, Raqqa, to “visit Bashar al-Assad.” We took this to mean he had been involved in fighting against Syrian government forces.

I knew Rasheed could be killed at any moment, and I grappled with the anticipatory grief. There is no parenting manual for this.

Then I got the call.

Since Rasheed’s death, I’ve combed through every detail of every memory, searching for clues for what made him leave home to fight in Syria. What had I missed?

The clues were difficult to decipher; their contexts always allowed for other, perfectly innocent explanations. In my quest for answers, I have met families across the world who have experienced the same problems with identifying warning signs. Quite frequently, there is some previous history of mental health trouble, so parents see an increase in agitated behavior, heightened anxiety or social isolation through that prism, rather than as signs of radicalization.

In Rasheed’s case, there was his altered appearance and his decision to attend a different mosque. With hindsight, I should have questioned more his distancing of himself from his usual social group — and, possibly, the watchful eye of his father. Naïvely, perhaps, I had passed off the changes in Rasheed as his exploring and forming an identity away from his parents. It was the biggest mistake and regret of my life. But ask any parent of teenagers: Would you have done better?

I cannot bring Rasheed back. But I have found solace in my work of helping other families with experiences like mine process theirs. We need a place where families can feel heard and understood, and talk without fear of prejudice, judgment or shame. It’s in the building of trust between families, communities and governments that we can find the resilience we need to defeat terrorism.

Tackling unemployment in rural Sindh

The government of Sindh has announced creating approx 50,000 new jobs in the next financial year. The budgetary announcement was greeted with cheers by many who still believe that a public sector job is the dream destination in one’s life.

Youth in the rural Sindh particularly have great enchantment with public sector jobs. Students grow with prayers of getting a government job after acquiring a graduation degree.

Rural areas where agriculture is a key driver of economy and landlords are seen as the most powerful creatures; bureaucrats are seen as the only other entity wielding some power in society. Lure of administrative authority coupled with ill-gotten extra money and a white-collared hassle free working ambience makes the dream further sweetened.

Until the 70s, rural Sindh had a scant representation in bureaucracy even within the province. In the One-unit era most of the bureaucracy came from either Punjab or Karachi and rural Sindh was sidelined in public sector jobs. Z.A. Bhutto provided constitutional cover to the quota system and paved the way for rural middle class to enter the provincial and federal bureaucracy.

Quota system is often misconstrued as a mechanism of sharing jobs between Sindhi and Urdu-speaking communities of Sindh. It was actually an affirmative action to strike a balance of representation between the rural and urban communities to avoid long term explosive ramifications of imbalanced representation in the federal and provincial jobs.

In Sindh, the system was aimed to create opportunities for disadvantaged rural communities to seek admissions in universities and step in the mainstream administrative web. A large number of non-Sindhi speaking people from rural areas also benefited from the allocation of job opportunities under the quota system.

In 1973, when the quota system was given a constitutional cover, the share of rural Sindh in federal jobs was minuscule. According to the census report of the central government, there were only 300 seats of rural Sindh compared to 1900 of urban Sindh against various positions of grade 16 to 22. In class-1 posts, Sindhi-speaking officers were only 2.5 per cent against 49 per cent Punjabi and 30 per cent Urdu-speaking officers. Rural Sindh inherited a disadvantage of lack of education among Sindhi Muslims before 1947.

While quota system mainstreamed Sindhis in the federal and provincial bureaucracy, it induced an addiction of the government job as well. A table-chair job detached Sindhis from rapidly rising private sector job market. Karachi’s huge industrial sprawl remained devoid of Sindhis for decades, mainly because of their tendency of working in a relatively comfortable government job where one gets guaranteed salary irrespective of performance. Those who are deployed against lucrative positions can make even heftier fortunes.
 
Another reason of this indifferent attitude towards private sector jobs was a performing agriculture sector that had been a key source of employment and livelihood in rural areas till recent decades. With the passage of time, agriculture sector suffered a steady decline. Perennial shortages of water, decrepit irrigation infrastructure, manipulation of market prices and obsolete practices brought the sector to its knees. A sizeable entry of rural youth in urban markets will also help rural society to liberate itself from the clutches of an obsolete and tyrannical feudal dominated social structure.
 
Meanwhile, urbanisation reshaped the rural economy in Pakistan during recent decades and Sindh is no exception to the phenomenon. According to the Economic Survey of Pakistan 20016-17, the services sector contributed 60 per cent and the manufacturing sector contributed 21 per cent to the national economy. These two sectors have attained robust growth in the recent years. This shift in the economy is reshaping job market as well.

Although agriculture sector is still a major source of employment, it caters mainly to unskilled masses due to its archaic structure. Educated and skilled human resource finds better opportunities in non-agriculture sectors, mainly the aforementioned two sectors. This transformation has posed new challenges to the rural areas of Sindh where economy has stagnated.

Against this backdrop 50,000 public sector jobs in a province with approx. 60 million population that grows at a rate of not less than 2.5 per cent (unofficial estimates outnumber these statistics) is a paltry figure. With this pace of population growth, the province adds approx 1.5 million people every year. It culminates into a massive unemployment among youth that entails multifaceted social and political repercussions. Karachi has a sizeable private sector market that can absorb a good proportion of these new entrants in the job market.

According to the census of manufacturing units in Sindh, Karachi alone has 1198 manufacturing units out of total 1825 units in the province. The second and third highest number of units were located in Hyderabad (98 units) and Dadu including Kotri and Nooriabad (83 units). This indicates that some 75 per cent of industrial units were located in and between Hyderabad and Karachi. The rest of Sindh has very little industry where agriculture sector dominates the rural economy for decades now. Rural youth ought to realign them with new realities and the changing pattern of economy.

Although a gradual shift has been observed in the recent years, the pace does not match the need. Karachi is becoming more stable as law and order situation has improved after the operation by security forces. It has buoyed up the market creating more space for job-seekers. If peace prevailed, the city will gain new economic boom.

CPEC-related investments are set to propel the market further. These investments will open up new vistas of industrial and commercial opportunities. Rural communities can benefit from these emerging opportunities. Political leadership of Sindh has always been clamouring against influx of non-local population in the urban areas of the province. One major reason behind this phenomenon was the space ceded by Sindhis themselves by confining themselves to rural areas.

Private sector in urban markets requires continued supply of human resource to sustain its growth irrespective of one’s identity or origin. Whereas political leadership of Sindh has been successful in mobilising people against the population influx from other areas, it failed to mobilise and facilitate rural youth to enter in a flourishing urban job market to forestall the menace of influx.

A sizeable entry of rural youth in urban markets will also help rural society to liberate itself from the clutches of an obsolete and tyrannical feudal dominated social structure. Sindhi middle class evolved in the wake of its entry in public sector in the 70s that brought initial ripples in Sindhi society. However, this did not bring any structural shift in the rural society and ultimately lost its luster as the society has entered a new phase of stagnancy.

Successive governments ignored creating any new industrial and commercial centres in rural Sindh. Political leadership doled out munificent charities through politically motivated social security programmes, but paid no attention to modernisation of agriculture sector or industrialisation in rural areas.

Agriculture sector that has been the lynchpin of rural society has plunged into decay. Its overall efficiency has nosedived during recent decades. Hence the engine of rural economy has already started malfunctioning. Skewed landholding pattern, political control over water diversion and a manipulated market have made this sector hostage in the clutches of politically powerful plutocracy. It has lost its potential to alleviate poverty in rural areas. The present structure of agriculture sector will only perpetuate feudal hegemony and abject poverty among rural masses.

The government has no plans of industrialisation in rural areas in the foreseeable future. Public sector engine is losing steam and cannot absorb a large number of unemployed youth being churned out by universities every year. Another crowd of youth which could not acquire a university degree wanders for productive engagement to earn livelihood. This is high time that the rural youth should stop selling their family silver to pay bribe for seeking government jobs and get fleeced by preying commission agents. They can invest the same amount to establish small businesses in urban and peri-urban areas for gainful employment and a decent livelihood.

Political leadership of Sindh can rekindle hopes among the rural youth and liberate them from shackles of feudal servitude by encouraging and mentoring them to accept new realities and adopt new approaches. Rural Sindh can be reshaped if a large number of youth equip themselves with skills and abilities required in the urban markets. It will have to address a range of problems confronted by rural Sindh. It will synchronously reduce unemployment, population influx and excessive control of the feudal over rural society and politics of Sindh.
 
 

Washington’s stance on Kashmir unchanged, assures McCain

ISLAMABAD, July 3: Former presidential candidate and veteran congressman Senator John McCain on Sunday made it clear that there was no change in the United States policy on the longstanding Kashmir dispute, stressing the need for an end to the current unrest in disputed Himalayan region.

McCain, the Chairman Senate Armed Services Committee, is leading a delegation of US senators including Senator Lindsey Graham, Senator Elizabeth Warren, Senator David Perdue and Senator Sheldon Whitehouse to Pakistan for talks with civil and military authorities on a host of issues covering bilateral ties, current regional and international situation.

The US delegation is visiting Islamabad against the backdrop of recent visit by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Washington.

During Modi’s visit, the US and India signed new defence deals as well as urged Pakistan not to allow its soil to be used against other countries.

In order to appease New Delhi, the Trump administration also declared prominent Kashmir leader Syed Salahuddin a global terrorist. Pakistan reacted sharply to the development and termed the decision of equating Kashmir freedom struggle with terrorism as unfair.

The joint statement issued after the Trump-Modi visit gave the impression as if the US has decided to depart from its traditional position on Kashmir.

Washington has long considered Kashmir as a dispute between Pakistan and India and in the past avoided taking sides while urging the two nuclear-armed neighbours to resolve the issue bilaterally.

After holding talks with Prime Minister’s Adviser on Foreign Affairs Sartaj Aziz here at the foreign office, Senator McCain told the state-run PTV that there was no change in the US policy on Kashmir dispute.
He said the United States wanted to see an end to the violence in the disputed region and also believed that resolution to the longstanding problem could only be found through dialogue.

After Modi’s visit, there have been concerns that Pakistan might lose its strategic importance in the eyes of the United States.

However, during the meeting between Sartaj Aziz and US delegation, it was evident that Pakistan still remains relevant for Washington for the regional peace and stability.

A statement issued by the Foreign Office said Senator McCain, thanking the adviser on behalf of the delegation, appreciated the contributions and sacrifices made by Pakistan in the fight against terrorism.

He said that continued engagement with Pakistan, a close friend and ally of the US, was important.

The Senators also praised the economic turnaround, as manifested by investors’ interest and confidence in Pakistan.

The two sides agreed with the need for the US and Pakistan to forge closer cooperation in confronting the peace and security challenges in the region and beyond.

Senator McCain, who frequently visits this part of the region, has always advocated strong and deep cooperation with Pakistan. Last year after visiting Islamabad, he wrote an article in The Financial Times warned that ignoring Pakistan would be dangerous.

McCain argued that without Pakistan’s cooperation, the US mission in Afghanistan would become “immeasurably more difficult”.

According to the Foreign Office, the adviser underscored the significance of the longstanding cooperation between the two countries and the need to make this partnership diverse and multidimensional.

Pakistan and US strategic partnership, he said, was critical to achieve peace and stability in the region and beyond.

Sartaj also apprised the US Senate delegation, comprising of very prominent Senators from both Democratic and Republican parties, about Pakistan’s success in combating terrorism through Operation Zarb-e-Azb and Radd-ul-Fassad and informed that the terrorist networks have been dismantled, their sanctuaries eliminated under the overarching National Action Plan.

The dividend of these policies, he stressed was empirically verifiable.

The adviser said that Pakistan remained committed to support efforts for lasting peace and stability in Afghanistan. Adviser noted that QCG process remains a credible and effective vehicle to facilitate reconciliation and restore peace, stability and economic prosperity in Afghanistan.

Pakistan looked forward to constructive engagement with the United States on all efforts and initiatives that would lead to a stable and prosperous Afghanistan.

He said that Pakistan was also ready to strengthen and deepen its partnership with the US to counter the new and emerging terrorism threats including the expanding footprint of Da’ish in the region.

The adviser also raised concern over the gross human rights violations by the Indian security forces in Kashmir and international community’s silence over the reign of terror unleashed by India on innocent and unarmed Kashmiris.

He stressed that Pakistan firmly believed in the legitimacy of the Kashmir cause and the peaceful struggle of the Kashmiri people to claim the right to self-determination promised to them by the international community through the UN Security Council resolutions.

Eight-day sit-in: Army chief helps end Parachinar protest

PARACHINAR, June 30: Hundreds of protesters in Parachinar on Friday ended their eight-day long sit-in after Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa assured them of better security, according to protest leaders and the military.
The protesters had been staging a peaceful sit-in following twin blasts at a market last Friday that left over 70 dead, the latest in a series of bloody attacks that have targeted hundreds in the Kurram tribal area.

Since then, demonstrators flocked to Shaheed Park, the venue of the sit-in, with residents arriving to take part in the protest from across the Kurram tribal district.

The standoff came to an end after a visit by the army chief concluded with protest organisers announcing that their demands had been met.

Parachinar protest enters sixth day
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had announced that every family of the Parachinar victims will receive one million rupees in compensation but the protesters rejected the offer, saying victims of attacks in other places got more.
“We are immediately ending protests in all parts of Pakistan,” leaders of the Dharna committee including Allama Muzammil Hussain, Shabbir Sajidi, and Saqib Bangash, told reporters.

Hussain said most of their demands were accepted.

They said a committee that included General Hassan and Brig Malik Ameer besides some members of the Dharna committee had been constituted which will oversee the implementation of demands.

Army chief announces safe city project for Parachinar: DG ISPR
In a lengthy statement, the ISPR said Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa visited Parachinar on Friday. “The COAS [has been] briefed in details about [the] security situation and recent terrorist incidents. [The] COAS interacted with local tribal elders and representatives of the sit-in.”

The army chief expressed his grief over the loss of precious lives in the terrorist attack in Parachinar last Friday and prayed for the departed souls, the ISPR said.

The army chief said he was out of the country and when he returned, bad weather delayed his attempt to visit Parachinar.

Gen Qamar said, “We as a nation have given unprecedented sacrifices in the war against terrorism and we shall succeed. Our enemies shall never succeed in lowering our resolve or dividing us.”

Bad weather postpones COAS’ Parachinar visit
Appreciating the FC and local administration for their efforts, Gen Bajwa acknowledged their contributions.
So far, 126 soldiers of the FC K-P alone have sacrificed their lives and 387 were injured while performing their duties in Kurram Agency.

“The FC K-P is a professional force inclusive of all tribes and sects performing their duties selflessly,” the army chief remarked.

Speaking on the occasion, tribal elders expressed their complete confidence in Pakistan Army and its leadership. “We stand with our security forces and our blood is for our motherland. We all are Pakistanis and Muslim,” the elders remarked.

Parachinar protesters reject PM’s compensation offer
Gen Qamar vowed that Pakistan Army would continue its efforts to restore normalcy in the country, adding that the threat continued to reside across the border in Afghanistan with the Islamic State gaining strength there.
“We need to remain united, steadfast, prepared and vigilant against this threat which has an agenda of exploiting the sectarian fault-line,” he noted.

“Our security forces are symbol of national integration so is our security apparatus; we are one nation. Also, a greater Pakistan-Afghanistan border coordination and security cooperation is required in this regard.”
Later, the army chief also met the representatives of the sit-in and listened to their concerns.

Death toll in Parachinar soars past 60
“While administrative concerns will be pursued with the executive body, suggestions regarding security mechanism are being incorporated forthwith. We can only be effective when locals are part of security and vigilance,” the army chief said.

The COAS announced the following steps:
• While there are clear evidence of hostile foreign hands in recent incidents, local facilitators and abettors have been apprehended who will be tried in military courts.
• Additional army troops have been moved in Parachinar to enhance its security while Frontier Constabulary (FC) troops are being beefed up on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border to seal it effectively. Toori Razakars are also being dovetailed on check-posts.
• A safe city project for Parachinar by installing CCTV cameras in line with the ones in Lahore and Islamabad will be undertaken.
• The fencing of border is already in progress. More sensitive areas of Federally-Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) are being fenced in Phase 1 while the complete Pakistan-Afghanistan border including the portion falling in Balochistan will be fenced in Phase 2.
• Firing by FC troops while handling the mob situation post-blast is being inquired and those responsible shall not be spared. The FC commandant has already been changed. Notwithstanding the irreparable loss, four martyrs and those injured in firing have been compensated by the FC.
• The Army Public School Parachinar is named after Maj Gulfam Shaheed and it will be upgraded to a Cadet College in due course.
• A trauma centre will be established in Parachinar by the army while the area’s civil hospital will be upgraded for better medical care by the civil administration.
• The government has now announced compensation for Parachinar victims at par with other such victims elsewhere in the country. All Pakistanis are equal.
• The army fully supports mainstreaming of Fata – which is being pursued – and its early implementation is essential for enduring peace and stability.
Commander Peshawar Corps Lieutenant General Nazir Ahmed Butt and IGFC Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa were also present on the occasion.

Modi’s enthusiastic bear hug beats Trump’s handshake

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has responded to the infamous “Trump handshake” with his own diplomatic tool of choice – the bear hug.

A series of awkward greetings and handshakes between Mr Trump and other world leaders has left many wondering who could “beat” his approach.

French President Emmanuel Macron was deemed a winner when he gripped and refused to let go of Mr Trump’s hand.
But for many observers, Mr Modi – an experienced hugger – has outdone that.

The Indian prime minister’s propensity to hug global leaders goes back a long way – this BBC blog called him “the most physically demonstrative Indian leader in years”.

It is also a true diplomatic masterstroke – Mr Macron may have “beaten” the Trump handshake last month, but it was a tense encounter with both men’s knuckles turning white.

But who could possibly object to a hug?

The choreography of the bear hug

The success of the Modi bear hug is in no small part down to its athletic choreography – that disarmed Mr Trump before he could respond.

The initial approach was slow with arms outstretched and there was no hint of the embrace to come, though if Mr Trump’s advisers had done their homework they would have seen how Mr Modi has clung to other world leaders.

He slowly reels President Trump in with first one hand then the other and there is little of the trademark Trump awkwardness in his slow but sure progress towards the Indian leader.

He finally barrels at the US president, avoiding all eye contact and presses his head on his chest in a gesture at once disarming and confident.

Mr Trump draws away slightly but not without looking down at Mr Modi with what could even be affection, although their eyes do not meet.

And as they draw away Mr Modi keeps hold of the US president’s hand and lingers in a firm double hand-lock.
They retreat to their podiums and carry on as if nothing has happened.

For many observers the hug was both natural and commanding and left neither of the leaders at a loss – in stark contrast to numerous other Trump greetings with world leaders.

And many on social media marvelled at what they called Mr Modi’s “craftsmanship”.

Of course both sides are likely to have prepared for the meeting. Like football coaches before international matches, their political aides and advisers may well have studied the techniques of either leader and there could well have been briefings on how to handle that first contact.

How likely is that really to have happened?
KC Singh, a former secretary in India’s external affairs ministry, told the BBC that “given Mr Modi’s hugging record, it would have been a very ill-informed US team that would not have known Mr Modi was going to go for Donald Trump”.

Mr Singh added that the gesture seemed to be done more for viral value than anything else, noting that even in India “no one hugs each other randomly”.

Going by social media, Mr Modi’s mastery was largely expected in India. There was quite a lot of humour about it, as well as some pride. But quite a few found this effusive display a bit embarrassing as well. Others had seen it coming.

It looks as though world leaders have become more tactical about responding to the Trump handshake after both Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and British Prime Minister Theresa May were seen as faring poorly against it.
South Korean president Moon Jae-in is due to meet Mr Trump next.

It remains to be seen if he can best the hug.

‘Horrible Tragedy’ as Fuel Tanker Fire in Pakistan Leaves at Least 150 Dead

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — A tanker truck caught fire and exploded after overturning on a road in eastern Pakistan on Sunday, killing at least 150 people and seriously injuring at least 100 others after they rushed toward the vehicle to collect spilled and leaking fuel.

The authorities were investigating what had caused the driver to lose control, leading the tanker to overturn and creating the conditions for the inferno. One official suggested that a spark from a passing vehicle had probably caused the blast, but news media reports quoted witnesses blaming a lit cigarette tossed by a passer-by.

The tanker overturned in Ahmedpur East, a small city in Punjab Province, as it was traveling from the southern port city of Karachi to Lahore, the province’s capital. It was believed to be carrying 5,500 gallons of fuel, officials and the state-run news media reported.

At least 73 motorbikes and several cars were destroyed in the blast, which occurred the day before Pakistan celebrates Eid al-Fitr, the Muslim holiday at the end of Ramadan.

Fuel is a high-value commodity in Pakistan, so even for those aware of the risks, the prospect of obtaining it for free was too powerful a lure to ignore for many. Ahmedpur East has long suffered from poverty illiteracy and a lack of modern facilities, and local residents have blamed the provincial government for spending money on urban areas at the expense of rural regions.

“It is a horrible tragedy,” Makhdoom Syed Hassan Gillani, who represents Ahmedpur East in Parliament, said in an interview. With a heavy voice, he said, “You can blame poverty 100 percent,” and added, “It was poverty. It was greed. It was ignorance.”

The blast occurred about an hour after the tanker crashed, Mr. Gilani said. By that time, hundreds of people from surrounding neighborhoods had rushed to the site, and people driving by in cars and on motorbikes stopped and joined them in scooping up the fuel.

Pakistani television networks broadcast images of dozens of people collecting the fuel in bottles and buckets, and thick plumes of smoke enveloped the area after the explosion.
Photo

“People brought bottles, pots, buckets and other home utensils,” Mr. Gilani said. “Many people made several rounds and urged others to do the same.” He said people had planned to use the fuel for themselves and also to sell.

He said the devastation had swept through several poor settlements near the crash site. “In one house, all eight men of the family died due to the fire,” he said.

Muhammad Rizwan, a police official, said that the police had “kept on telling people to leave the crash site, but people wouldn’t listen and more kept coming.”

“We knew it was dangerous,” he said, “and if there were more cars and bikes, the casualties would have been much higher.”

The injured were taken to the district hospital and Victoria Hospital in neighboring Bahawalpur, but the response was hindered by a shortage of facilities to treat burn victims.

The seriously injured were ferried to a hospital in Multan, about 80 miles to the north, which has a burn treatment unit. The Pakistan Army said it had sent two helicopters to help with the rescue efforts.

Abdul Rashid, 30, one of those injured, said he and a friend had joined in collecting the spilled fuel after passing by the area and seeing others trying to scoop it up from the overturned tanker.

“I parked my bike by the road and waited while my friend went to collect the fuel,” said Mr. Rashid, who had burns on one hand and a leg. “We did not have any bottles, so we asked people and got one. The bottle was small, so my friend went thrice to collect the fuel.”

Mr. Gilani said that even though the word danger was clearly written at the rear of such tanker, people did not take heed. “Many were not even aware of the risk they were putting themselves into,” he said.

There was no immediate information about what had caused the tanker to overturn: speeding at a sharp turn, a burst tire or something else.

Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, the chief minister of Punjab, expressed his grief over the loss of life, said an aide, Salman Sufi.

“The chief minister is monitoring the situation and has directed the authorities to provide the best medical facilities to the injured,” Mr. Sufi said.

He said the fire had probably been started by an engine spark that caused the fuel tanker to explode, though he noted that the exact cause was being investigated.

Mr. Sufi said the driver of the tanker had escaped serious injury because the crash had taken place “long before” the explosion, and a provincial government spokesman said the driver had been taken into custody, Reuters reported.

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, who was in London on a private visit, cut short his stay and was returning to Pakistan, officials said. Imran Khan, the country’s most prominent opposition politician, called the accident “a national tragedy of epic proportions.”

Abdul Malik, a local police officer who was among the first to arrive, said he had “never seen anything like it in my life,” The Associated Press reported. “Victims trapped in the fireball. They were screaming for help.”
When the fire subsided, he said, “We saw bodies everywhere, so many were just skeletons.”

Daniyal Hassan contributed reporting from Lahore, Pakistan

First Pakistan-owned wind power project starts operation

BEIJING, Jun 24: The first Pakistan-owned early-harvest wind power project constructed under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) framework has started commercial operation after passing required assessments.

The 49.5MW facility developed by Sachal Energy Development (Private) Limited over 680 acres of land in the Jhimpir Wind Corridor in Sindh province was wholly financed by the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China.

Tariffs for solar, wind power projects set to fall further
The success of the project sets a good example for the construction of CPEC and the “Belt and Road” initiative, according to Global Times. Sachal Energy is a wholly owned subsidiary of Arif Habib Corporation Limited, one of the largest private sector conglomerates in Pakistan.

It has received formal notification from the Central Power Purchasing Agency (Guarantee) Limited. The company is committed to supplying electricity to the national grid through the National Transmission and Dispatch Company for 20 years under an energy purchase agreement.

The project comprises 33 wind turbine generators manufactured by Goldwind of China whereas HydroChina is the engineering, procurement and construction (EPC) as well as operation and maintenance (O&M) contractor of the project.

It is the first project that has received Sinosure-backed financing and has been 100% financed by the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China.

Pakistan and China have signed $57-billion worth of energy and infrastructure projects under the CPEC framework. The bulk of the investment is going to the energy projects, including renewable and clean energy to bridge the energy shortfall.

Published in The Express Tribune, June 24th, 2017.

The Guardian: Attack on Al Jazeera must be resisted UK newspaper says attack on Al Jazeera is part of ‘assault on free speech to subvert the impact of media in Arab world’.

A demand by a group of Arab countries to close Al Jazeera Media Network is “wrong”, “ridiculous” and “must be resisted”, The Guardian newspaper has said in an editorial, joining a growing chorus of voices raising concerns about suppresion of press freedom in the Gulf.

Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt reportedly gave Qatar 10 days to comply with 13 demands to end a major diplomatic crisisin the Gulf, insisting, among others, that Doha shut down Al Jazeera, close a Turkish military base and scale down ties with Iran.

Al Jazeera: Call for closure siege against journalism
“The attack on Al Jazeera is part of an assault on free speech to subvert the impact of old and new media in the Arab world. It should be condemned and resisted,” the editorial published by The Guardian on Friday said.
‘Muzzling journalism’

By attacking Doha-based Al Jazeera, “Qatar’s neighbours want to gag media that raises questions about the way these nations are run,” the respected British newspaper said in a piece titled, “The Guardian view on Al Jazeera: muzzling journalism”.

Al Jazeera was a key source of news as the Arab Spring rolled across the Middle East in 2011, “infuriating many Arab leaders” who “no doubt wished it would be taken off air, permanently”, The Guardian wrote.

“Al Jazeera, which arrived long before the internet in the region, broke the mould by reaching directly into Arab living rooms. Along with social media, Al Jazeera has in recent years stirred public opinion in ways Arab governments could not ignore.

“But now Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates think they can silence it with a blockade of Qatar that will only be lifted if Al Jazeera is shut down.”

While noting that “Al Jazeera is not perfect”, The Guardian said that Qatar abolished formal censorship 20 years ago.

“By comparison, in 2012 the UAE demanded [ex-British Prime Minister] David Cameron rein in adverse BBC coverage or it would halt lucrative arms deals,” it said.

“Abu Dhabi is a regional media player. The UAE’s deputy prime minister owns Sky News Arabia, along with Rupert Murdoch’s broadcaster. According to observers this station put out fake news about Qatar’s ruler.”

Earlier on Friday, media watchdogs, human rights groups and prominent commentators all condemned the demand to close Al Jazeera as “outrageous”, “absurd” and “worrying”.

The Qatar-based network also described the call for its closure as “nothing short than a siege against the journalistic profession”.

“We assert our right to practice our journalism professionally without bowing to pressure from any government or authority and we demand that governments respect the freedom of media to allow journalists to continue to do their jobs free of intimidation, threats, and fearmongering,” it said in a statement.

Earlier this week, the Editorial Board of the New York Times said a “misguided attack” on Al Jazeera was an attempt by Saudi Arabia and its anti-Qatar coalition to “eliminate a voice that could lead citizens to question their rulers”.

Indian spy Jadhav appeals to COAS to ‘spare his life’; army releases new video confession

Convicted Indian spy Kulbhushan Jadhav, who is currently on death row, has appealed to Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Gen Qamar Bajwa for mercy.

“Commander Kulbushan Sudhir Jadhav, the serving Indian Naval Officer who has been sentenced to death on charges of espionage, sabotage and terrorism, has made a mercy petition to the Chief of Army Staff,” the army’s media wing said in a press release issued Thursday.

“In his plea, Commander Jadhav has admitted his involvement in espionage, terrorist and subversive activities in Pakistan and expressed remorse at the resultant loss of many precious innocent lives and extensive damage to property due to his actions.

“Seeking forgiveness for his actions, he has requested the Chief of Army Staff to spare his life on compassionate grounds,” the Army said.

Commander Jadhav has reportedly exhausted an appeal to the Military Appellate Court, it emerged from the press release. If his appeal for clemency is rejected by Gen Bajwa, he will have recourse to appeal to President Mamnoon Hussain.

A new confessional video, released by Inter-Services Public Relations along with the news of Jadhav’s petition, purports to detail the crimes Jadhav has sought absolution from.

In the video, Jadhav can be heard saying that Indian spy agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) sponsored various terrorist activities in Pakistan in order to disrupt economic activities linked to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and foment socio-political disturbance and strife in Balochistan and Karachi.

‘RAW-sponsored terrorism’
Jadhav, in his “confession”, has said that one Anil Kumar “on behalf of RAW” sponsored terrorist activities in Pakistan. These included encouraging sectarian violence targeting Hazara and Shia citizens, particularly those travelling between Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan on pilgrimage.

The purpose of sponsoring various attacks in the region was so that “instability or some kind of fear is set into the mindsets of the people of Pakistan”, Jadhav said, saying that the high-profile assassination of Superintendent Police Chaudhry Aslam was an example of the kind of disturbance India wanted to create.

According to Jadhav, RAW also ‘directly sponsored’ the targeting of Frontier Works Organisation workers in Balochistan and sponsored Improvised Explosive Device (IED) attacks carried out by “Baloch sub-nationals” within Quetta, Turbat and various other cities of Balochistan.

The spy said that “various financing which subsequently happened for the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and various other Afghan anti-Pakistani terrorist groups led to the attack by TTP on one of the Mehran Naval Bases in which a lot of damage was cost to the Pakistani Navy.”

Other attacks that Jadhav said were “funded and directly supported by Anil Kumar” included a “sort of radar installation attack, the Sui pipeline gas attack, then attacks on civilian bus stations where some, I suppose, Pakistani nationals were being targeted by sub-nationals and murdered and massacred” in order to cause disruptions in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

“He wanted it [the attacks] to be raised to the next level so that complete disruption and complete stoppage of the CPEC between Gwadar and China is achieved,” Jadhav added.

A ‘military-style’ attack on the Pakistani consulate in Zahidan was also planned by RAW officials along with Baloch insurgents, Jadhav confessed.

“The aim was to either attack it with a grenade or some kind of Rocket-Propelled Grenade or IED attack or then try to harm the consul-general or some kind of vicious attack on the Pakistani consulate in Zahidan,” he said.

Additionally, he said, RAW had sponsored the creation of a new website for the Baloch movement in addition to handling an existing website “which was luring people from within Pakistan for various activities to be carried out in the future.”

Funding for these activities took place through hawala and hundi operations, Jadhav said, with finances moved from Delhi and Mumbai via Dubai into Pakistan.

Jadhav’s trial
Jadhav had previously been tried by a Field General Court Martial under Section 59 of the PAA and Section 3 of the official Secret Act of 1923 and sentenced to death.

Jadhav had confessed before a magistrate and court that he was tasked by RAW to plan, coordinate and organise espionage and sabotage activities seeking to destabilise and wage war against Pakistan through impeding the efforts of law enforcement agencies for the restoration of peace in Balochistan and Karachi, the ISPR had said earlier.

Jadhav’s first confession
Jadhav’s first confessional statement was aired by former ISPR head Lt Gen Asim Bajwa, in which the spy admitted to involvement in terror activities in Balochistan and Karachi.

Terming the Indian spy’s arrest a ‘big achievement’, Bajwa said at the time that Jadhav was directly handled by the RAW chief, the Indian National Security Adviser and the RAW joint secretary.

“His goal was to disrupt development of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), with Gwadar port as a special target,” Bajwa had said, adding, “This is nothing short of state-sponsored terrorism… There can be no clearer evidence of Indian interference in Pakistan.”

“If an intelligence or an armed forces officer of this rank is arrested in another country, it is a big achievement,” Bajwa had said, before going on to play a video of Jadhav confessing to Indian intelligence agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) involvement in Balochistan separatist activities in Pakistan.

Case goes to ICJ
A 10-member bench of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the United Nations’ top court, is hearing an urgent bid by India to stop Pakistan from executing Jadhav.

The ICJ in a hearing of the case on May 18 restrained Pakistan from executing Jadhav and rejected India’s request to delay proceedings in Jadhav’s case until December.

India was also ordered to submit a response by September 13 regarding the case.

Rejecting Pakistan’s argument that the court did not have jurisdiction in the matter, the court reasoned it could hear the case because it involved, on the face of it, an alleged violation of one of the clauses of the Vienna Convention, which both Pakistan and India ascribe to and whose interpretation falls under its purview.

“[Meanwhile] Pakistan should take all measures to ensure that Mr Jadhav is not executed till the final decision of this court,” the court said at the time.

The court also said Pakistan should inform it of all measures taken in implementation of the order.

Trump seen hardening line toward Pakistan after Afghan war review

WASHINGTON, June 20: President Donald Trump’s administration appears ready to harden its approach toward Pakistan to crack down on home-based militants launching attacks in neighbouring Afghanistan, US officials tell Reuters.
Potential Trump administration responses being discussed include expanding US drone strikes, redirecting or withholding some aid to Pakistan and perhaps eventually downgrading Pakistan’s status as a major non-NATO ally, the officials said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Some US officials, however, are skeptical of the prospects for success, arguing that years of previous US efforts to curb Pakistan’s support for militant groups have failed, and that already strengthening US ties to India, Pakistan’s arch-enemy, undermine chances of a breakthrough with Islamabad.
US officials say they seek greater cooperation with Pakistan, not a rupture in ties, once the administration finishes a regional review of the strategy guiding the 16-year-old war in Afghanistan. Precise actions have yet to be decided.

The White House and Pentagon declined to comment on the review before its completion. Pakistan’s embassy in Washington did not immediately respond to a request for comment. “The United States and Pakistan continue to partner on a range of national security issues,” Pentagon spokesperson Adam Stump said.

But the discussions alone suggest a shift toward a more assertive approach to address safe havens in Pakistan that have been blamed for in part helping turn Afghanistan’s war into an intractable conflict. Experts on America’s longest war argue that militant safe havens in Pakistan have allowed Taliban-linked insurgents a place to plot deadly strikes in Afghanistan and regroup after ground offensives.

Although long mindful of Pakistan, the Trump administration in recent weeks has put more emphasis on the relationship with Islamabad in discussions as it hammers out a regional strategy to be presented to Trump by mid-July, nearly six months after he took office, one official said. “We’ve never really fully articulated what our strategy towards Pakistan is. The strategy will more clearly say what we want from Pakistan specifically,” the US official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Other US officials warn of divisions within the government about the right approach and question whether any mix of carrots and sticks can get Islamabad to change its behaviour. At the end of the day, Washington needs a partner, even if an imperfect one, in nuclear-armed Pakistan, they say.

Congressman urges Trump to consider resuming airstrikes in Pakistan
The United States is again poised to deploy thousands more troops in Afghanistan, an acknowledgment that US-backed forces are not winning and Taliban militants are resurgent. Without more pressure on militants within Pakistan who target Afghanistan, experts say additional US troop deployments will fail to meet their ultimate objective: to pressure the Taliban to eventually negotiate peace.

“I believe there will be a much harder US line on Pakistan going forward than there has been in the past,” Hamdullah Mohib, the Afghan ambassador to the United States, told Reuters, without citing specific measures under review. Kabul has long been critical of Pakistan’s role in Afghanistan.

Pakistan fiercely denies allowing any militants safe haven on its territory. “What Pakistan says is that we are already doing a lot and that our plate is already full,” a senior government source told Reuters, speaking on condition of anonymity. The source doubted the Trump administration would press too hard, saying: “They don’t want to push Pakistan to abandon their war against terrorism.”

Afghan president blames Pakistan for home-grown violence
Pakistani officials point towards the toll militancy has taken on the country. Since 2003, almost 22,000 civilians and nearly 7,000 Pakistani security forces have been killed as a result of militancy, according to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, which tracks violence. Experts say Pakistan’s policy towards Afghanistan is also driven in part by fears that India will gain influence in Afghanistan.

Is Pakistan an ally?
Nuclear-armed Pakistan won the status as a major non-NATO ally in 2004 from the George Bush administration, in what was at the time seen in part as recognition of its importance in the US battle against al Qaeda and Taliban insurgents.

The status is mainly symbolic, allowing limited benefits such as giving Pakistan faster access to surplus US military hardware. Some US officials and experts on the region scoff at the title. “Pakistan is not an ally. It’s not North Korea or Iran. But it’s not an ally,” said Bruce Riedel, a Pakistan expert at the Brookings Institution.
But yanking the title would be seen by Pakistan as a major blow.

SCO membership likely to pose fresh challenges for Pakistan
Lisa Curtis, senior director for South and Central Asia at the National Security Council, co-authored a report with Husain Haqqani, Pakistan’s former ambassador to Washington, in which they recommended the Trump administration warn Pakistan the status could be revoked in six months. “Thinking of Pakistan as an ally will continue to create problems for the next administration as it did for the last one,” said the February report. It was unclear how seriously the Trump administration was considering the proposal.

The growing danger to Afghanistan from suspected Pakistan-based militants was underscored by a devastating May 31 truck bomb that killed more than 80 people and wounded 460 in Afghanistan’s capital, Kabul.

Afghanistan’s main intelligence agency said the attack – one of the deadliest in memory in Kabul – had been carried out by the Haqqani network with assistance from Pakistan, a charge Islamabad denies. Washington believes the strikes appeared to be the work of the Haqqani network, US officials told Reuters.

US frustration over the Haqqani’s presence in Pakistan has been building for years. The United States designated the Haqqani network as a terrorist organisation in 2012. US Navy Admiral Mike Mullen, then the top US military officer, told Congress in 2011 that the Haqqani network was a “veritable arm” of the ISI.

American soldiers wounded, not killed in incident at Afghan base: US official

The potential US pivot to a more assertive approach would be sharply different than the approach taken at the start of the Obama administration, when US officials sought to court Pakistani leaders, including former Army chief General Ashfaq Kayani.

David Sedney, who served as Obama’s deputy assistant secretary of defense for Afghanistan, Pakistan and Central Asia from 2009 to 2013, said the attempt to turn Islamabad into a strategic partner was a “disaster.” “It didn’t affect Pakistan’s behaviour one bit. In fact, I would argue it made Pakistan’s behaviour worse,” Sedney said.

More drones, cash cut-off
Pakistan has received more than $33 billion in US assistance since 2002, including more than $14 billion in so-called Coalition Support Funds (CSF), a US Defense Department programme to reimburse allies that have incurred costs in supporting counter-insurgency operations.

It is an important form of foreign currency for the nuclear-armed country and one that is getting particularly close scrutiny during the Trump administration review. Last year, the Pentagon decided not to pay Pakistan $300 million in CSF funding after then-US Secretary of Defense Ash Carter declined to sign authorisation that Pakistan was taking adequate action against the Haqqani network.

US officials said the Trump administration was discussing withholding at least some assistance to Pakistan. Curtis’ report also singled out the aid as a target. But US aid cuts could cede even more influence to China, which already has committed nearly $60 billion in investments in Pakistan.

Top career US diplomat in China embassy steps down
Another option under review is broadening a drone campaign to penetrate deeper into Pakistan to target Haqqani fighters and other militants blamed for attacks in Afghanistan, US officials and a Pakistan expert said. “Now the Americans (will be) saying, you aren’t taking out our enemies, so therefore we are taking them out ourselves,” the Pakistan expert, who declined to be identified, said.

Army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa last week criticised “unilateral actions” such as drone strikes as “counterproductive and against (the) spirit of ongoing cooperation and intelligence sharing being diligently undertaken by Pakistan”.